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We are all related

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Three chapters from the book: If You’ve Forgotten the Names of the Clouds, You’ve Lost Your Way : An Introduction to American Indian Thought & Philosophy

By Russell Means

THE ANCESTORS


Every part of this Earth is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove... the very dust upon which you now stand responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it is rich with the blood of our ancestors...
Seattle, Suquamish, mid 1800s

Come with us now on a journey to another world...the way it was everywhere on Earth, when people all across the globe lived in paradise. Today, only in scattered locations, in small shrinking pockets and forgotten remote islands and mountains and jungles, does this paradise still exist.
To understand the American Indians, or any indigenous people, it is essential to start with the Ancestors. Our Ancestors are vital to the Indian world-view, and are held in as high regard as if they were alive today, and walking among us.
Our Ancestors are our constant witness and companion. They know everything. They are part of us, as we are part of them. In this way, an American Indian is never a solitary or lonely individual. Existential angst is unknown. We know who we are and we are never alone. We are part of something greater than ourselves.
This makes us responsible. An entire family or clan is responsible for any act of violence of any of its members, not only in the present and the past, but even into the future. Honor is not purely individual, it exists among individuals of course, but it also incorporates our immediate families, our clans, the Ancestors, and extends out to include the entire Universe.
An American Indian is aware that if disgrace or dishonor is brought upon oneself, then our Grandmother Earth has been insulted as well. These beliefs and principles are real. They are based on the clear and obvious connection between ourselves and the natural world that nurtures and supports us in every moment of our existence. Our connection to the Ancestors guides our actions in every situation.


THE GLOOMY REALITY OF THE PATRIARCH

Russell Means
Sell a country! Why not sell the air, the great sea, as well as the Earth?...How can we have confidence in the white people? When Jesus Christ came upon the Earth you killed Him and nailed Him to the cross... Where today are the Pequot? Where are the Narragansett, the Mohican, the Pocanet, and other powerful tribes of our people? They have vanished before the greed and oppression of the white man, like snow before the summer sun...the bones of our dead will be plowed up, and their graves turned into plowed fields...
Tecumseh, Shawnee, 1811

Patriarchy is imperialism—oppression and exploitation of “the other” began as soon as patriarchy reared its ugly head over 6,000 years ago. Patriarchs are masters at justifying any and every kind of monstrous misdeed—we grew up learning in school about the evil Puritans and how they extracted false confessions from suspected witches” via the dunking stool and other tortures...and now suddenly waterboarding and other forms of torture are a good idea when applied to suspected “terrorists”—even though all evidence refutes the effectiveness of such techniques. You can say this for the Patriarch—he certainly is consistent in his irrational inconsistency.
Science is the religion of the Patriarch. This is not to be confused with Indian Science, which is based on gleaning truths from observing the natural world in action. There’s nothing natural about the science that supports the monumental misdeeds and injustices of the patriarchal system. Like any religion, the Patriarch’s version of “science” is replete with ritual, dogma, sacrosanct texts, articles of faith. These are all tools that are used to reinforce patriarchy. Scientists rip apart monkeys and dogs for research. How is this acceptable to anyone with the slightest shred of “humanity”? 
Science is utilized as a weapon by the Patriarch, in the hands of the Patriarch science becomes a killing machine. The nazis prided themselves as extremely scientific—at what cost to their humanity? Scientific research runs rampant, and yet to what end? Human lifespan is increasing incrementally but still falls short of indigenous societies—cultures famous for longevity around the world today are not in scientific societies, but are in places where people live very naturally. In scientific societies the aged are housed in inhumane warehouses, alzheimer’s and dementia are increasing. Parkinsons disease never existed before the onslaught of the Industrial Revolution.
Today, protestors of scientific research are called terrorists, and grouped with those who would destroy the very fabric of society—and yet it is scientists themselves who are the only group that threatens to truly destroy Earth’s balance of life. Indigenous people lived innumerable centuries without imbalance or destruction, then in only 6,000 years of patriarchy Earth has been brought to the brink of total destruction.
In patriarchy, mass murder and destruction of every kind of life is justified by the benefits to the privileged few at the very tip of the food chain. Wall Street is no different from all the tyrannies and kingdoms of history.
 
LAKOTAH MORNING THANK-YOU PRAYER

O holy Great Mystery, thank you for this day.
I thank you for the Universe, which is our tabernacle, our house of worship.
Thank you for the Star People, who watch over our water and all that lives, and give us direction and a place in life.
Thank you for the Moon, which also watches over the water and purifies the women naturally.
Thank you for the water.
Thank you for our sacred Grandmother, the Earth, mother of all living beings, for they are our relatives.
Thank you for the East Wind, which brings the Morning Star which gives us the dawn of a new day, so that we will not repeat the mistakes of yesterday. The East Wind brings a newness into our hearts, minds, bodies and spirits, renewing the spirits of our sacred Grandmother, the Earth and of all our relatives.
And thank you for the Black Tail Deer People, who live in the East and watch over us.
Thank you for the South Wind, which brings warmth and generosity to our hearts, minds, bodies and spirits, as well as to our sacred Grandmother, the Earth, and to all our relatives.
And thank you for the Owl People, who live in the South and watch over us.
Thank you for the West Wind, which gives us the lightning and thunder spirits, which bring the cleansing and refreshing rains for our sacred Grandmother, the Earth, and all our relatives, and which brings cleanliness and refreshment to our hearts, minds, bodies and spirits.
And thank you for the Buffalo People, who live in the West and watch over us.
Thank you for the North Wind, which brings strong and enduring winds that give our sacred Grandmother, the Earth, and all our relatives strength and endurance, and brings strength and endurance to our hearts, minds, bodies and spirits.
And thank you for the Elk People, who live in the North, and watch over us.
Thank you for all the winged beings of the air for their teachings, their generosity and their sacrifices. Thank you especially for the eagle, who flies the highest, sees the furthest, and is faithful to its mate.
Thank you for the four-leggeds, who give us so much and teach us so much, for their sacrifices and sharing.
And thank you especially for the buffalo, because as the buffalo goes, so go our people.
Thank you for all our relatives who crawl and swim and live within the earth, for their sacrifices and sharing and their generosity. Thank you for all their teachings and for everything that they give us.
Thank you also for all the green, growing things of the Earth. They teach us so much and give us so much. Thank you for their sacrifices and for their sharing.
Thank you especially for the tree with the whispering leaves, for its strength and independence and its teachings. And thank you for the sacred Tree of Live, which we must nourish and care for to ensure that it blossoms once again, allowing our people to live as they were intended.
Thank you for the salmon and the other fishes, who teach that it is our birthright to return to our home.
Thank you for the spider, who teaches us the foibles of life in the guise of Iktomi, the Trickster.
Thank you for each of the sacred ceremonies brought us by the holy White Buffalo Calf Woman.
Thank you for our purification lodge, which enlightens us with understanding of purification and cleanliness.
Thank you for the Sundance, which allows men an opportunity to comprehend the miracle of new life by sharing, in a small way, the experience of childbirth.
Thank you for the Crying for a Vision Ceremony, which permits us to recognize a positive and independent road to follow throughout life.
Thank you for the Making of Relatives Ceremony, which allows us to bring new citizens into our nation, our family, our clan.
Thank you for the Keeping of the Spirit Ceremony, which allows us the privilege of showing respect for our ancestors, and brings the community together to share and celebrate the deeds of the departed.
Thank you for the Throwing of the Ball Ceremony, which brings the community together as one heart, one mind, one spirit, one body.
Thank you for the Making of Woman Ceremony that allows girls and young women to aspire to being worthy of the universe.
Thank you for the healing ceremonies and sweet medicines produced by our green relatives who grow. Together they care for the infirm, the crippled and the sick.
Thank you for the soil, for the clouds, for the white blanket that comes to cover our Grandmother, the Earth, in the time of cold.
Thank you for the sacred colors, together representing everything that is worthy in life, and individually teaching us so much.
Thank you for the wind that travels in a circle, for it teaches us respect and wonder and awe.
I thank you for everything that is holy and sacred and good.
We are all related.
Lakotah Morning Prayer

In traditional Lakotah society, the husband wakes at first light, in the early pre-dawn. He doesn’t speak, he doesn’t wake his wife sleeping beside him. He goes outside, alone, and speaks the Lakotah Morning Prayer with the Morning Star when it is the only star left in the dawn sky. Speaking the Morning Prayer clears the mind of all worries and anxiety, and makes a person aware of his place in the mosaic of life. It humbles you.
Ready to start the day, the husband turns back inside the Tipi, and goes and combs his wife’s hair. Neither one speaks a word. The husband’s first interaction of the day with his wife is a very sacred exchange. Hair is very important as it grows from the head, where the brain resides. Hair holds memory. It is only cut when one is in mourning. This first exchange between husband and wife is a caressing touch, on a sacred part of the body.

Russell and Pearl Means
 Russell Means, an Oglala Sioux, as a young leader of the American Indian Movement who helped resuscitate Indian nations throughout the hemisphere, had the privilege of learning traditional Lakota ways and knowledge from Elders who were steeped in these ancient teachings. Russell died Octdober 22, 2012, at the age of 72. His wife, Pearl, carries on the task of passing along this timeless and timely wisdom to a world starved for balance and truth. The book, co-written with Bayard Johnson, can be ordered from Amazon.com, BarnesandNoble.com and most anyplace books are sold.

Poemas desde el Manicomio: por Leopoldo María Panero Ü

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Poems from the Insane Asylum: by Leopoldo María Panero Ü

Cuatro Poemas/Four Poems en traducción/translated por/by Arturo Mantecón

El loco

He vivido entre los arrabales, pareciendo
un mono, he vivido en la alcantarilla
transportando las heces,
he vivido dos años en el Pueblo de las Moscas
y aprendido a nutrirme de lo que suelto.
Fui una culebra deslizándose
por la ruina del hombre, gritando
aforismos en pie sobre los muertos,
atravesando mares de carne desconocida
con mis logaritmos.
Y sólo pude pensar una alucinante batalla
y que mis padres me sedujeron para
ejecutar el sacrilegio, entre ancianos y muertos.
He enseñado a moverse a las larvas
sobre los cuerpos, y a las mujeres a oir
cómo cantan los árboles al crepúsculo, y lloran.
Y los hombres manchaban mi cara con cieno, al hablar,
y decían con los ojos «fuera de la vida», o bien
«no hay nada que pueda ser
menos todavía que tu alma», o bien
«¿cómo te llamas?»
y «qué oscuro es tu nombre».
He vivido los blancos de la vida,
sus equivocaciones, sus olvidos, su
torpeza incesante y recuerdo su
misterio brutal, y el tentáculo
suyo acariciarme el vientre y las nalgas y los pies
frenéticos de huida.
He vivido su tentación, y he vivido el pecado
del que nadie cabe nunca nos absuelva.

The Madman

I have lived, ape-like, in the slums
I have lived in the sewer drain, carrying off the feces
I have lived two years in the City of the Flies
and learned to nourish myself with what I discharge.
I was a serpent slithering by the ruins of man
shouting out aphorisms, standing atop the dead
crossing oceans of unknown flesh with my logarithms.
And all I could think of was an hallucinatory battle
and that my parents seduced me
in order to execute the sacrilege
between the elderly and the dead.
I have taught the maggots how to move upon corpses
and women to hear how trees sing to the twilight
and how they weep.
And men dirtied my face with mud when I spoke
and they would say with their eyes: “Get out of life!”
or else would say: “There is nothing that could ever
be less than your soul”
or else: “What is your name?” and: “How dark your name is!”
I have lived the blanks of life
its equivocations, its oblivions, its incessant oafishness
and I remember its brutal mystery
and its tentacle caressing my belly and my buttocks
and my feet frenetic for flight.
I have lived its temptation, and I have lived the sin
of which no one will ever absolve us.


~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Parábola del diccionario

Una palabra reenvía a otra palabra, un sentido a
otro sentido: el sentido se extiende como la
cabellera de una dama rubia, en la orilla,
tocando el mar y los barcos.
Es así que la palabra, para no morir en otra
palabra, se disuelve en ceniza.
Y un hombre muere: un hermano mío, un semejante
que reenvía a otro semejante, ya que la categoría
de hombre es universal, y se extiende como una
larga cabellera, hasta tocar las estrellas
Pero la luna resplandece en las tumbas, y un
perro ladra en la hora en que un hombre muere.
Preguntadle a un perro: ¿qué es la locura?
y ladrará tres veces.
Pero volviendo a la pregunta sobre sentido,
éste, como el Tao supo, escapa al decir, esto es que el
sentido no es una figura del discursco.
El único significante es la muerte, que es,
al decir del estructuralismo, la mayor figura del
discurso, porque es palabra de Dios.
Un pelicano escupe sobre mi boca, y un pez ansía
en mi mano: como dice el diccionario: «ansiar: desear
con ansia», como cuando el perro ladra.
Pero recuerdo una vez Antonio me llamó
Humphrey Bogart: «con su gabardina hueca», como dice
él en uno de los poemas de su libro dedicado a su
amor, Olga, cuya cabellera se extiende sobre el papel.


Parable of the Dictionary

One word leads to another word
one meaning to another meaning:
meaning extends itself
like the tresses of a blonde lady at the seaside
touching the sea and the ships.
Thus it is that the word
so as to not die in another word
disintegrates into ashes.
And a man dies: a brother of mine
a fellow man leading to another fellow man
since the category of man is universal
and it extends itself like long tresses
until it touches the stars.
But the moon shines resplendent upon the graves
and a dog barks in the hour in which a man dies.
Go ask a dog: What is madness?
and it will bark three times.
But getting back to the question concerning meaning
this, as the Tao knew, eludes expression
this is because meaning is not a figure of discourse.
The only signifier is death, which is
according to structuralism
the main figure of discourse
because it is the word of God.
A pelican spits on my mouth
a fish lusts in my hand:
as the dictionary says: “to lust: to yearn with desire”
like when the dog barks.
But I remember that one time
Antonio called me Humphrey Bogart: “with his empty trenchcoat”
like he says in one of the poems of his book
dedicated to his love, Olga
whose tresses extend themselves over the page.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Inédito de el último hombre

Valdivia tiene más hombres, más caballos
y árboles que escupen fuego y sangre:
ante la bestia de Valdivia el indio
tiene sangre hembra.
Valdivia tiene dioses para los que no cuenta
nada la sangre del hombre,
dioses como árboles sin savia
que llevan colgando de su cuello:
pero era la noche de Lautaro.
Y en la noche de Lautaro tras el árbol hay perros
y la luna ilumina el camino a los lobos.
Entra el hombre barbado, el español a saco
en nuestras casas y muestra su verga a las mujeres:
pero en la selva se pierde, en el laberinto
oscuro de Eldorado.
Hacen pues un camino con la sangre
entre los más oscuros árboles:
y que el hombre ahí se pierda;
porque era la noche de Lautaro.
En la noche de Lautaro el dios castellano
es menos que una víbora, y su cuerpo
es un pálido dibujo en la nieve.
Allí donde te dije que estaba Eldorado
está un artífice para labrar tu muerte:
En el tobillo desnudo están
las joyas que preguntas:
búscalas en la noche de Lautaro.

Unpublished Poem from the Last Man

Valdivia has more men, more horses
and trees that spit fire and blood—
faced with the beast Valdivia, the Indian
possesses female blood.
Valdivia has Gods for whom
the blood of man counts for nothing
gods like sapless trees
that he wears hanging from his neck
but it was Lautaro’s night.
And in Lautaro’s night there are dogs behind the tree
and the moon lights the way for the wolves.
Enter the bearded man, the Spaniard sacking
our homes and showing his cock to the women
but he loses himself in the forest, in the dark
labyrinth of Eldorado.
They make, then, a path with blood
between the darkest of the trees
so that the man will lose himself there
because it was Lautaro’s night.
In Lautaro’s night the Castilian god
is less than a viper, and his body
is a pale tracing in the snow.
There, where I told you Eldorado was
is a craftsman to carve out your death
on his bare ankle are
the jewels you ask about
search for them in the night of Lautaro.


~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

A mi madre
(Reivindicación de una hermosura)

Escucha en las noches cómo se rasga la seda
y cae sin ruido la taza de té al suelo
como una magia
tú que sólo palabras dulces tienes para los muertos
y un manojo de flores llevas en la mano
para esperar a la Muerte
que cae de su corcel, herida
por un caballero que la apresa con sus labios brillantes
y llora por las noches pensando que le amabas,
y dice sal al jardín y contempla cómo caen las estrellas
y hablemos quedamente para que nadie nos escuche
ven, escúchame hablemos de nuestros muebles
tengo una rosa tatuada en la mejilla y un bastón con
empuñadura en forma de pato
y dicen que llueve por nosotros y que la nieve es nuestra
y ahora que el poema expira
te digo como un niño, ven
he construido una diadema
(sal al jardín y verás cómo la noche nos envuelve)

To my Mother
(A reclaiming of a thing of beauty)

Listen in the nights to how the silk rends itself
and how the cup of tea falls to the floor
without a sound
like magic
you who have only sweet words for the dead
and who carry a handful of flowers
to wait for Death who falls from her steed
wounded by a knight
who seizes her with his shining lips
and who weeps at night
at the thought that you loved him
and he says:
“Come out to the garden
and contemplate how the stars fall so,
let us speak softly, so that no one shall hear us
come here, listen to me, let’s talk about our furniture.
I have a rose tattooed on my cheek
and a walking stick with a handle the shape of a duck
and they say it rains just for us
and that the snow is our very own.”
And now that this poem is breathing its last
I say to you, like a little boy,
“Come here, I have fashioned a diadem
(come out to the garden, and you will see how the night will enfold us).”


~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

A brief life of Leopoldo María Panero by his translator

Leopoldo María Panero is a poet and madman. He believes himself to be the reincarnation of Charles Baudelaire. He is, in his own words, as intelligent as Nietzsche, and he writes with the same sort of prophetic vehemence as did that great German philosopher.
Born in Madrid in 1948, the second of three sons born to the prominent poet Leopoldo Panero and Felicidad Blanc, his family was one of prestige and privilege, and he grew up in luxury.
When he was four years of age, little Leopoldo manifested an eerily precocious talent for performance poetry. His parents hosted regular soirées that were attended by some of the literary elite of Spain. One evening, Leopoldo emerged from his room and descended the stairs as though in a trance, in full view of the astonished company, dressed in a cape and tricorn hat and carrying a toy sword. In a voice so deep and sonorous that no one present could believe it was his, he announced that he was “Capitán Marciales” and recited a poem well beyond the capabilities of a child of four.
His rather frightened mother, at the urging of her guests, began to write his entranced recitals down. The following is his first recorded poem, created before he had begun to read and write:
The stars
The sea
a deep voice
a clear voice
Everything had awakened:
the trains, the houses...
a mysterious head
the mysterious hand
that appeared
in all the gardens...
This mysterious thing
appeared in every place.

His mother had him committed to an insane asylum in his late teens and ordered electroshock treatments to "cure" him of his paranoia and increasingly obvious homosexuality.
In spite of alcoholism and drug and addiction and having spent most of his life in mental institutions, he has amassed an astounding quantity of work: poetry, novellas, short stories, essays on psychiatry and translations. An anglophile, he has translated Edward Lear, J.M. Barrie and Lewis Carroll--a translation of "The Hunting of the Snark" into Spanish being one of his most striking accomplishments.
Panero is currently an inmate in the psychiatric hospital in the city of Las Palmas, Isla Gran Canaria of the Canary Islands.

Arturo Mantecón, a graduate of UC Davis with a masters in philosophy, is a poet and fiction writer. His short stories have been published in The Americas Review, Café Bellas Artes, Bliss, and the Dunes Review and in various anthologies. His translations have been published in Poetry Now, Left Curve, and Skidrow Penthouse. As a translator of Panero’s work, he has published two books of selected poems by Panero: My Naked Brain (Swan Scythe Press, 2011) and the just-released Like an eye in the hand of a beggar (Editions Michel Eyquem, 2013).

Latino Librarians: Guardians of Our Literature and Culture

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By Roberto Haro

American libraries whether they are public, academic, or specialized collect and organize data and information on a broad range of topics and interests. With respect to literature, especially writings that focus on America and its people, their holdings reinforce the interests and priorities set by the library’s policy makers. However, it has been a bitter experience over the years that the writings by and about people of color were not systematically purchased, cataloged and preserved by many types of libraries.
The Civil Rights movement in the 1950s triggered an important transformation. Scholars, informed laymen, and other readers began to ask librarians to identify literature about the unique experience of people of color, focusing mainly on blacks, and gradually other minority groups in America and soon black writers, poets and essayists were “discovered and re-discovered,” and became popular. But there were challenges to black literature, as books like Soul on Ice (1968) by Eldridge Cleaver, The Autobiography of Malcom X (Grove Press: 1968), and even the classic work The Fire Next Time (Dial Press: 1963) by James Baldwin were considered subversive and un-American by conservatives until the American public decided they wanted to read them.
Soon, literature by and about blacks was prepared for distribution by traditional publishers and book sellers to promote a new awareness of stories and studies about black experiences and contributions to American literature. American libraries added new writings to complement those already in their collections. However, Latino literature in the US posed different challenges for librarians. (Latino will encompass Chicano, Hispanic, Hispano, Raza, and other terms that define Latinos in the US.)
Literary accounts of Latinos in America were not as easy to capture as black writings. Numerous factors complicated the identification of literature about the Latino experience in this country. Latinos are a heterogeneous group in our population that includes Hispanos in New Mexico settling there before Northern Europeans established permanent settlements along the Atlantic Seaboard. Other Latino groups, particularly people of Mexican origin, lived in the territory in the Southwest conquered by the US after the Mexican-American War (1846-1848).
Language was also a challenge. Mainly, Latinos spoke Spanish and used that language instead of English to tell their stories. Some groups, like Cubans, Dominicans and Puerto Ricans use different terms and code words that differentiated them from Hispanos and Mexican Americans. Moreover, many important stories about the Latino experience in the US, particularly in the southwest, are part of an oral and musical tradition, and are told in a Latino argot called Caló that combines English, Spanish and Native American terms. These, and other factors, made the identification and capture of this literature challenging. Yet, scholars, librarians and informed laymen continued to search for ways to capture the essence of the Latino experience in this country.
The soul of a society is often found in its literary expressions, whether in print, or as part of an oral tradition. As many parts of early Latino literature were in an oral tradition and not committed to scholarly narratives, it was difficult for librarians to identify and procure them, particularly the different information types and formats.  Moreover, there were few, if any, literary guides and reliable bibliographies that provided a structured way to approach and assess Latino literary expressions.
As a result, a few progressive librarians began to reach out to Latino scholars, teachers, and writers. While intelligence gathered from these informed sources was helpful, it did not fully meet the needs of many librarians. The more progressive ones wanted access to the primary sources, and to establish links with people who produced Latino literature, and were knowledgeable about it.
There were also risks involved in collecting some Latino literature because of its language and thematic orientation. Several prominent Latino writers wrote in English that was heavily laced with Spanish terms difficult for English only readers to understand. A few poets, like Alurista, used Caló to dramatize their stories, using a creative panoply of colorful terms to underscore their messages. Again, many conservative groups and leaders considered such literary output distasteful, gauche, and undesirable. They looked with trepidation on what Oscar Zeta Acosta wrote in his novel, The Revolt of the Cockroach People (Knopf: 1973), and railed against such writings as inflammatory, subversive and un-American. And when Librarians invited controversial Latino writers to meet with community groups and library patrons to comment on the themes they used to explore the Latino experience in the US, there was a definite backlash.
When Latino poets and writers like Alurista, Gary Soto and Raul Salinas were prevented from speaking at libraries, they shared their poems and stories at small conferences and Latino gatherings, such as the popular Flor y Canto series. Meanwhile, other writers like Rudolfo Anaya, Sandra Cisneros, and Rolando Hinojosa were identified and published by traditional US presses. But for Latino writers not courted by American publishers, their literary works appeared in small, local and ephemeral sources. Mainly these were weekly or monthly publications like El Tecolote in the San Francisco Bay area, or Con Safos in Los Angeles. Latino scholars like Rudy Acuña, at California State University, Northridge, did begin writing academic treatises that provided well documented historical accounts of Latinos in the US, but he also knew Latino poets, essayists and writers and shared their work with colleagues and students. Some novelists like Arturo Islas, Victor Villaseñor, and Sandra Cisneros were part of an important literary trend that led to the identification of other Latina and Latino writers. Among them were, to name but a few, Pat Mora, Cherie Moraga, Nicholasa Mohr, Oscar Hijuelos, Julia Alvarez, and the popular raconteur Piri Thomas. Thomas, in particular, was a breath of fresh air for librarians because he enjoyed talking with different audiences about his experiences and writings, and especially his seminal work, Down These Mean Streets (Signet Books: 1967). It is interesting to note that Thomas’ book and now Bless Me, Ultima (Quinto Sol: 1972) by Rudolfo Anaya are banned in several American communities.
The identification and preservation of US Latino writings became a priority for many socially conscious librarians who took risks to make these materials available to readers. While scholarly library sections at the Library of Congress, and major university libraries were acquiring the works of famous writers in Central and South America they paid scant attention to the writing and oral stories about the Latino experience in the US. A few research libraries, such as the Nettie Lee Benson Mexican American collection at the University of Texas, Austin, and the Bancroft Library at the University of California at Berkeley, collected valuable resource materials to preserve important historical parts of the Latino experience in this country. However, the holdings in these and other research collections were not well known, or easily accessible to most readers. The restiveness caused by the Civil Rights Movement, and the political activism of Latinos, particularly the Chicano Movement in the late 1960s and 1970s, led to academic and public librarians finally using regular library resources to collect valuable resource materials, including literature, about the US Latino experience. It is important to recognize the strategies some Chicano faculty, staff and student activists in higher education used to identify and collect critical resources about Latinos in America.
Latino teaching and research groups at three major universities developed “specialized” libraries that contributed to the identification and collection of primary sources of materials, including US Latino literary works. In California, the Ethnic Studies Program at Berkeley and the Chicanos Studies Research Center at UCLA established library collections to capture primary sources about Latinos in America, especially literary works. Stanford University developed a program to acquire critical materials on Latinos in the US, but made it a part of their regular library system.
UCLA and Berkeley’s specialized collections were not part of the main library’s holding. The collections at UCLA and Berkeley were affiliated with research groups or academic teaching programs at the respective campuses, and quickly became widely used by faculty and students. While their book budgets were limited, they were not fettered by conventional acquisition and cataloging procedures that prevented many libraries from accessing ephemeral and nonprint materials. The librarians responsible for these collections, Roberto Cabello Argandoña at UCLA and Richard Chabran at Berkeley, were creative and resourceful professionals who developed appropriate schemes and strategies to acquire pertinent materials, catalog and make them available by using traditional and some inventive forms of intellectual access.
The interest in Latino literature by academic librarians at the major research campuses in Texas and California was gradually matched by public libraries with increasing populations of Latinos in their service areas. The awakening of “the sleeping giant,” a metaphor used to identify the rapidly increasing Latino population in the US, encouraged some progressive public librarians to do two things: find out how to collect significant literature about the Latino experience, and learn more about the writers responsible for this literature.

Latina/o Writers

As Latino men and women writers began to publish poetry, essays and novels, some like Piri Thomas enjoyed speaking at various library meetings, conferences and colloquia. Consonant with the established oral tradition among Latinos, other writers joined Thomas in speaking at libraries and library conferences where they provided a unique perspective on a burgeoning minority community gradually represented across most of America.
Librarians began to learn about Latino writers from colleagues in national organizations like the American Library Association, and by word of mouth and public announcements that highlighted presentations featuring Latino literature. It was not long before a handful of informed librarians, mainly Latinas and Latinos began to systematically identify promising Latino writers. However, there were writers who stayed within their genre, such as poets and essayists, interacting infrequently with novelists and academic nonfiction authors. (For the purposes of this essay, the focus will be on Latina and Latino fiction writers. Considerable attention has been devoted elsewhere to Latina/o poets.)
Latino non-fiction writers, many of them teaching and doing research at American colleges and universities, taught classes on Latino literature, had to publish essays and books in scholarly journals and academic presses to receive tenure and keep their teaching positions. Fortunately many of these scholars interacted regularly with recognized and promising new Latino writers, and introduced them and their writings to students and faculty colleagues.
So why focus on Latino fiction writers? There is much about the diverse Latino culture in America that has not been adequately presented and discussed by Latino scholars and informed laypersons in nonfiction stories and books. Scholars devote attention to primary sources and scrupulous documentation that often makes what they write appear detached from the rich dynamic interplay of people, ideas and the range of emotions within different Latino communities.
Scholars, for the most part, write academic treatises that must stand the test of their peers, and in doing so, what they prepare may seem esoteric and sanitized. Some scholars avoid exploring the interpersonal relationships and passions that motivate people to behave the way they do because of perceived normative academic standards. The interactions in Latino families, peer groups, gangs, and romantic relationships reveal discords, frictions, love and accommodations are difficult to explore in an academic treatise for numerous reasons, but most often peer pressure that insists on academic standards that eschew things that are difficult to document or “unscholarly.”
But in literature, and especially short stories and novels, the writer is free to explore what motivates Latinos to think and behave the way they do. It is in this literature that the soul of a society can be examined and explored, and shared with others to better understand differences and similarities among American Latino communities and the larger society.
The collection of novels and works of fiction by Latina and Latino writers, therefore, is a priority for anyone wanting to know about Latinos in the US. However, collecting this type of literature poses challenges for some libraries and librarians. To understand and appreciate these complications, it is important to look at the types of libraries and the role of librarians responsible for making available Latino fiction.
In certain library settings, there is a desirable consonance between the library’s policy for acquiring fiction and the librarian’s role in identifying pertinent materials and making them known and available to the clientele. However, in some libraries, mainly academic and specialized, there is a low priority assigned to collecting and making available Latino literature.
In such libraries, even though the librarian plays the pivotal role in finding appropriate materials, acquiring and making them available to readers, the written policy governing the purchase of library materials, or campus executives who apply standards that limit the acquisition of Latino writings are determinative, and complicate matters. To understand the challenges and opportunities for collecting Latino literary works and fiction, the contributions of librarians at three different types of libraries will be discussed.

Academic/Specialized Libraries

Because most Latinos attend two-year colleges, it is important to examine whether or not these institutions and their libraries are developing Latino literature collections. Rather than engage in a lengthy and tedious survey, it was decided to speak with a few library leaders at community colleges and learn first-hand what they and their colleagues experienced. These librarians quickly mentioned similar challenges, such as a low priority attached to Latino literature by traditional campus faculty, and senior campus administrators’ ambivalence toward anything other than the works of a few Latino writers like Isabel Allende or Richard Rodriguez.
To achieve an overview of Latino library collections at a two-year campus, a highly regarded Latino library leader, John Ayala, was consulted. Ayala has been a strong, long time spokesperson lobbying for improved access to sources of information on Latinos. He began his career as a bookmobile driver for the Long Beach Public Library in 1963. After serving in Vietnam with the Air Force, he earned his Masters of Library Science at the Immaculate Heart College in 1971 and worked for the Los Angeles County Library before becoming Director of the Long Beach City College, Pacific Coast Campus. In 1990 he moved to Fullerton College as Dean of the Library and Learning Resource Center. He retired in 2006, but is still active in his profession.
Ayala and several other progressive librarians banded together in 1971 to found REFORMA, an affiliate of the American Library Association. Developed to improve library and information services for Latinos in the US, it promotes the development of collections to include Spanish-language and Latino oriented materials; the recruitment of bilingual and bicultural library professionals and support staff; the development and preservation of library programs and activities for the Latino community; and, lobbying efforts to educate people about the availability and types of library resources on Latinos and how to use them. Ayala was President of REFORMA from 1974 to 1976.
Ayala is direct, but tactful, about the mixed forms of support and hesitation at some two-year colleges to acquire and promote Latino literature, particularly on campuses with large Latino student enrollments. To overcome some of these challenges, he and other talented Latino library professionals have worked diligently to better inform campus administrators, faculty, and Latino community groups and people about these resources. In conjunction with Salvador Güereña, an accomplished and widely respected Latino archivist, librarian and author at the University of California, Santa Barbara, they co-edited Pathways to Progress, Issues & Advances in Latino Librarianship (ABC-CLIO Press: 2011).
Güereña, also a past President of REFORMA, and Ayala prepared this anthology to share best practices for improving library and information services for Latinos. Sections in the anthology focus on collecting library materials by and about Latino writers. Despite the efforts of dedicated librarians like Ayala, Güereña, and others to develop better Latino collections, a long educational process to convince many faculty and administrators at two-year colleges about the value of Latino literature remains.
Turning to the major university research libraries, especially ones with highly specialized collections like the University of Texas at Austin, is informative. Research university libraries have always been considered key repositories for critical resources. But as mentioned earlier, Latino literary output was not always in these collections.
Margo Gutierrez, an accomplished Latina Librarian, has played a key role in the University of Texas at Austin libraries as Mexican American and Latino Studies librarian. A native of Tucson, Arizona, she earned the B.A. and M.L.S. degrees from the University of Arizona and an M.A. in Latin American Studies at UT Austin. She worked at the University of Arizona Library and the Blumberg Memorial Library of Texas Lutheran College before joining the UT Austin General Libraries and becoming a valuable asset and resource person within the Nettie Lee Benson Library.
A highly accomplished librarian and writer, Margo has numerous publications to her credit, among them The Border Guide: Institutions and Organizations of the United States-Mexico Borderlands(CMAS Books, 1992), co-authored with Milton Jamail, and the Encyclopedia of Mexican American Civil Rights Movement (Greenwood, 2000), co-authored with Matt S. Meier. In 2000 she was named Librarian of the Year by REFORMA, and in 2001 the UT Libraries at Austin honored her with their Library Excellence Award.
The Benson Library is home to the annual event series A Viva Voz that celebrates Latino arts and culture. Through this and similar efforts that bring writers, researchers and visitors to the library, Margo has helped to feature graphic novelists, playwrights, painters, and photographers. Her focus and experience identifying and collecting the works of Latino writers in the US reflect a depth of knowledge that is unique and extremely valuable. Margo’s approach is to find the best resources to understand and appreciate the experience of Latinos in the US, and underscores the value of literature for anyone studying their history in this country.  
While there are other major Latin American collections in the US, most of them devote attention to writers and literature about Mexico, the Caribbean, Central and South America. The Benson Collection is special in acquiring and making available the writings of Latinos born and raised in the US, such as its Mexican American materials. Only recently have American university research libraries started to pay attention to domestic Latino writers and novelists, and much of the credit for this sea change is because of Margo and many of her library colleagues throughout the country.
Margo has networked with her colleagues in both academic and public libraries to encourage the use of new technologies and access guides to Latino literature. The rapid shift to hand held devices that allow potential readers to locate materials at libraries is a boon—as are eBooks­—but  also a limitation for communities and individuals without these devices, or unable for any number of reasons to use the internet. Margo’s concern to reduce technical barriers that inhibit Latino access to materials and services they want is progressive and commendable. She and colleagues like Roberto Trujillo at Stanford University, Ron Rodriguez at Cal State Fullerton, Susana Hinojosa at UC Berkeley, and others have worked diligently, and continue to lobby for improved techniques to find and use Latino literary works in university and college libraries, regardless of their format.

Public Libraries

There are numerous public Librarians who can be singled out for the outstanding contributions to their respective communities. Elizabeth Martinez, Director of the Salinas Public Library in California comes to mind immediately. She has been an outstanding leader in librarianship, serving as the Library Director for the Los Angeles Public library, a respected college teacher, the Executive Director of the American Library Association, and an indefatigable advocate for the development of library services and facilities to meet the needs of expanding communities, especially those with increasing numbers of Latinos.
She was responsible for introducing Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzalez, the author of the epic poem I Am Joaquin (1967), to an audience of rapt listeners at an American Library Association Conference. Corky is considered one of the founding leaders of the Chicano Movement in the US. Others following in Elizabeth’s steps are Ben Ocon in San Mateo, California, and Luis Herrera in San Francisco, both directors of their respective libraries. However, it was decided to focus on Carmen Martinez because of her dedication to changing library systems and orientations to provide improved services, especially to Latinos.
Technological change has significantly influenced how information is packaged, organized, stored, accessed and disseminated. The computer and the internet are now critical paths to information people want. Public libraries must have computers, internet access, and eBooks to meet the demands of their clientele. However, many older libraries lacked the space and technological infrastructure to provide the new information services library patrons wanted, and their budgets were not sufficient to adopt the new technology and build the proper facilities to house and maintain it. So, over the last three decades, the challenges for public libraries, especially with respect to Latinos, have been to adopt new technologies, serve a new group of patrons, and find ways to collect significant materials about their experience in America. It was also vital for public libraries to have space where community groups could meet, and where artists, scholars, painters and writers could visit to share their ideas and perspectives. These, then, were some of the challenges facing library leaders like Carmen Martinez.
Carmen grew up in Glendale, CA, earned her B.A. from Cal State Hayward, now called Cal State East Bay, studied Language at the University of Barcelona, and earned a Master in Library Science from CSU Fullerton. In 2000, she was recruited to Oakland, CA from the Los Angeles Central Library, and hired by then Mayor Jerry Brown. The challenges in Oakland were considerable, and there had not been a library director for three years. She spearheaded a campaign in 2004 for a tax increase that generates about $14 million annually for the libraries.
In 2011 she won another budget battle called “Save our Libraries” that prevented the closure of 14 branch libraries. Martinez was responsible for the opening of the 15,000 square-foot Cesar Chavez branch in the predominantly Latino Fruitvale neighborhood. That library was once a tiny part of the lobby of the Spanish Unity Council building. Now it houses the largest Spanish language collection in Northern California, a free community meeting room always in use, and the first TeenZone designed with input from teens in the community.
Carmen, often mentions the amazing technological changes brought about by the computer, the internet and hand held devices to access and retrieve information. While she is an avid reader and claims to take a book to bed with her every night, she also knows the importance of establishing and nourishing an eBook collection. She talks about having artists, musicians and writers come to the library to speak, share ideas and talk about their works. She considers this an important link between the creators of literature and its consumers.
Regardless of the subject’s format, whether a book, a piece of music, a sculpture, or a poem, it takes on a new meaning when the artist is there to engage an audience and discuss her reasons for its creation. She believes such conversations generate an accepting and learning atmosphere that continues to draw people to the library. The literature of a people enlightens their ideas, perspectives, likes, dislikes and aspirations. So in this sense, Carmen believes that having Latino literary works is imperative, but finding ways to bring library patrons together to learn more about themselves and other Latinos is a priority. Carmen retired in 2011.

Leadership and Creativity

Latino librarians have played a largely unheralded role in finding, organizing, protecting, and disseminating the rich literary expression about the Latino experience in America. If not for them, an enormously valuable body of knowledge essential to understand our country’s history might be lost, or unavailable. Yet, challenges remain in certain types of libraries, and in the preparation of librarians.
While public libraries have benefitted enormously from talented and successful Latino leaders, that has not been the case at college and university libraries, especially at selective four-year liberal arts campuses and major research universities. There are few Latino librarians who have been academic library directors. Among this very select group is William Aguilar who served as the director of libraries at Lamar Community College, Pikesville College, Central Connecticut State University, and California State University, San Bernardino before he become a vice president for development at CSUSB. A library director plays a pivotal role in developing priorities, allocating funding, and finding support for the projects she wants.
The director of a public library can focus attention on improved services to different groups, especially those who have not been marginalized, or ignored. Public library leaders like Carmen Martinez and Elizabeth Martinez used their leadership positions to build new facilities and establish programs that captured critical Latino resources. They made it a priority to interface writers and readers in a friendly environment that enhanced the awareness of the Latino experience in America.
The same is possible at college and university libraries, but different factors have created obstacles on these campuses to recruit and appoint Latinos to head their library systems. At best, major academic libraries have employed some of the most talented Latina librarians to work as specialists responsible for acquiring and making available valuable Latino literary resources. But somehow the major higher education and library associations in America have not focused sufficient energy and commitment to prepare, groom and employ Latinas and Latinos as library directors at US campuses. Without the assistance of Latino leadership in academic libraries, progress in capturing and making available a rich literature that will play a compelling role in understanding our nation’s composition and development will be slow and in some cases limited.
Another challenge is the limited number of Latinas and Latinos attending schools of library and information services for careers as librarians. As the Latino population continues to increase in absolute numbers and as a percentage of our population, they require library and information services. Programs that recruit talented Latino females and males to schools of library and information services need to be developed and operationalized. Without a continuing source of new librarians, many of the gains by Latino librarians and others will remain static, or perhaps lose ground.
A few final words about the role of Latino librarians and their contributions to the preservation of a literature instrumental to understanding and appreciating the historical role of the Latino community in our nation. It is difficult to imagine who, other than librarians, would diligently and against difficult odds, work assiduously to ensure that a unique literature was captured, preserved and made available to a widening audience of readers. As Latinos continue to increase in absolute numbers and as a percentage of the American population, more needs to be known about them and their contributions to our society.
Their literature provides invaluable access routes to who they are, what they believe, and what motivates them to act and behave as they do. Librarians provide not only the resources, but the environments and intellectual access tools that tap the valuable repositories of materials needed to understand and appreciate this significant segment of our society.
The interface between writers and readers fomented by the efforts of librarians is one of the most valuable educational experiences available in our society, and for the most part, it is free. Latino librarians have faced numerous challenges, taken professional risks, and worked long and hard to achieve the successes they have. One of their most significant achievements has been to preserve Latino literature, and make it a living part of our nation’s cultural narrative. They have gone directly to the creators of the literature and devised ways for all of us to better understand, appreciate and enjoy who we are as Latinos and Americans.

Roberto Haro, with a long history as a university administrator, is a novelist and essayist who lives in the San Francisco Bay Area. To the other insightful essays he has contributed to “Somos en escrito,” he adds this important statement. His latest novel is titled, Alejandro’s Story, which is available from the usual online and retail outlets.


The Lost Year

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By Felipe de Ortego y Gasca

Are these the shadows of what must be or the shadows of what might be?
                                                      —Charles Dickens, A Christmas Carol

She was remembering that year she spent with her aunt and uncle on their farm near the coastal bend of Texas when she was twenty. That was sixty years ago, but there was not a day of her life since then that she did not think of that year. At times now, she wondered if there had ever been such a year. Perhaps she had ima­gined it. No, there had been such a year. She was certain of it. The memory of that year had been so powerful over the years of her life. Still, in recollection, it was as if the year had gotten lost in the sequence of her life. And now at eighty she was still grappling to make sense of that year. Even now she could not determine its im­port in her life. Something happened to her that year. What was it?
Her aunt and uncle were long since gone. She could not ask them. Gone also were her moth­er and father; and her paternal and maternal grand­parents. She had uncertain feelings about them, and her memories of them were as dim as her memories of that lost year. Of her siblings only her younger sister still lived. There was her older sister’s child and an assortment of nieces and nephews.
What a family she came from, she thought. Once there had been such high hopes for every­one, especially her. She had wanted to be a vet­erinarian. Her love of animals as a child was leg­endary. That’s why she went to live with her aunt and uncle on their farm when she was twen­ty. Her aunt had lavished her with hope for her aspiration to be a vet and invited her to live on the farm with her and her husband. Her aunt work­ed at the nearby university that had a pre-vet program. She leap­ed at the opportunity. Ea­ger and apprehensive she arrived one winter day at her aunt and uncle’s farm a week before her twen­tieth birthday, huddled in her clothes, for­tune’s child looking for her destiny.
What happened, she wondered? Where did her dream of becoming a veterinarian go wrong? How could so many years have gone by without realizing her dream? The question tor­mented her still. Each day of every passing year she had asked herself that question. And each day of every passing year she could not dredge the answer from deep inside her where it lay buried. Even now at eighty she har­bored that long­ing to be a vet. And dutifully she would make grand plans, as she often did, to pursue her dream but, as they often did, her plans came to naught. Life seem­ed to invade her space, making its de­mands on her. This or that required her at­tention. There was always some­thing.
At first it was her sister and her child, then her mother and father, and in turn her young­er siblings. Then suddenly she was an old woman and the demands of life focused on survival. She had not thought to live so long. When she was twenty, being eighty was impossible to comprehend. Her aunt was almost fifty the year she went to live with her, and her uncle was well into his seventies. She had not thought of her aunt as old. And while her uncle was up in years, she remembered that he did not act old. He had been a retired professor who had taken up gar­dening.
There was much about that year she remem­bered vividly. She could still picture the house her aunt and uncle lived in, large and rambling, set in an acre­age of dense thicket and a land­scape hewn by her uncle. There was an enclosed pool adjacent to the house. How she reveled in that pool. And there was . . . Hal . . . dear, dear Hal. He loved her, though she wasn’t sure she loved him. Was the mystery of that year there, with Hal? He was older than she was, mature, and he loved her. She remembered that. But what happened? Was it her mother? There was something about her mother and Hal. What? What hap­pened?
What happened was that one day she de­cided to skip summer school to go home and spend some time with her fa­mily. She had been with her aunt and uncle slightly more than a year and was track­ing well in her studies. But she needed a break, she said. Her aunt thought she was homesick. She remembered how disap­pointed Hal had been when she told him about her decision to go home for the summer. She and Hal had be­come engaged. They were going to be married. He had given her a ring, and they had made plans for their wed­ding when she com­pleted her pre-vet studies.  Whatever happened to that beautiful ring, she wondered? Hal had it specially made for her. It fit her finger so perfect­ly
Her aunt had bought her a beautiful wed­ding gown. She wondered often about that gown. Hal had taken it from her aunt as a keep­sake, and for many years he harbored hopes that she would return and they would be married and have chil­dren and she would be a vet. She kept up with Hal for a time but like so many things in her life he became a me­mory in the long list of things she had hoped to put right but never did. Was that her failing, she won­dered, not following through on what she want­ed? Not giving closure to the things she started? Had she ever thanked her aunt and uncle for their generosity during that year? She was not sure, but she sensed that her uncle never forgave her for abandoning her pets, per­haps because he him­self had been or­phaned at such a young age. There were so many things left at loose ends.
That year with her aunt and uncle, she remembered, she want­ed a horse. After all, if she was going to be a vet she would have to know how to handle large animals. She did well with cats and dogs, but a horse—that was something else. Hal built a corral on her aunt and uncle’s farm for the horse she was go­ing to get. Why didn’t she get the horse, she wondered? What she wanted seem­ed always just ahead of her, like a firefly in the night, an ignis fatuus. Was the corral still there? No! How could it be? That was sixty years ago. Her uncle had teas­ed her about the horse she was going to get, call­ing it Trigger. And jocu­larly she feign­ed petulance saying she was going to name the horse Cantinflas. But there was no horse. She left her imaginary horse in the corral that Hal built. And when she saw a horse over the years of her life, a twinge of nostalgia pierc­ed the edge of her heart. And once she reach­ed out for a horse al­most call­ing it Cantinflas. What dreams she had for her horse. That year on her aunt and uncle’s farm she imagined herself riding on Cantinflas across the pastures, the wind in her face, roam­ing free, free, inhaling the scents of earth. She and Cantinflas— wild waifs from the moons of Barzoom!
She wanted children. She and Hal talked about their children, what they would look like, he fair-skinned and Teutonic, she tawny and diminutive. Those children, where did they go? She did marry ultimately (not Hal) and her children had children of their own, all of whom visited her rarely now. Her husband died never understanding why she always seem­ed to have that far-away look in her eyes.
She had been a good mother, but an equally sear­ing pain scorch­ed her when she thought of her children. For when she thought of them she also thought of the two pets she abandoned when she fled from her aunt and uncle’s farm that year so long ago.  Her uncle took good care of them as he did all the animals he and her aunt gathered. Her round tubby black and white cat whom her uncle playfully called Moo-Moo and her lively white furball Poodle-Pomeranian dog, a PooPom whom her uncle cal­led Bolita despite the fact that she had named the dog Lilly in honor of Hal’s grandmother. She had never forgotten them. But why did she aban­don them, she won­dered? Was that why she cared so intens­ely for stray animals over the years? Why had she aban­doned her aunt and un­cle? And Hal? And her studies? Was it some quirk in her nature? The stamp of some defect? What? What?
What hopes her aunt had for her. She was to be the child her aunt never had. She would be her daugh­ter and her children would be her aunt’s grandchildren. But she had shattered her aunt’s dream when she fled. She had not meant to disappoint her aunt. Why did she flee like that, she won­dered? But the answer elu­ded her just as her dream had elud­ed her all the days of her life. She was not bitter now at eighty, just confused as she had been in the time of her youth after that year at her aunt and uncle’s farm. What voi­ces led her astray?
For years she thought it was her sister’s hec­toring that Hal was too old for her, that she need­ed to seize life by the throat and savor it while young. Hal was too old for that, her sister insis­ted. Her grandmother Tita liked Hal. Everybody liked Hal except her mother and sister. Hal would go to the ends of the earth for her, she remembered. Why did she abandon him?
She was not sure why she finally married. Perhaps it was to bury the dream. She continued to care for stray cats and dogs with such passion that, unwittingly, people often told her she should have been a vet.
Now, more and more often, she sat alone in her bedroom pon­dering that lost year. Soon it would not matter, but such puzz­les should not go to the grave un­solved, she thought. No design in the things she did emerged to give her solace, to com­fort her, to soothe the ache of thatleakage of memorywhich had plagued her all these years. No spark of light, no epiphany illuminated her quest for the answer to that lost year. She would die never understanding the import of that lost year in her life, never realizing that life in its leaps and bounds is its own puzzle, a dilemma inside an enigma without answers and without truths save the ones within ourselves we are willing to unearth and examine despite the pain of that examination.


Felipe de Ortego y Gasca, Ph.D., Scholar in Residence, Department of Chicana/o and Hemispheric Studies, Western New Mexico University, was the Founding Director, Chicano Studies, UT El Paso, 1970-72.

El ecopoeta le cede la palabra a la naturaleza Ü

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Por Raúl Caballero García

El libro de Armando Rendón,Up to Earth (An Ecopoesy Chapbook),significa una singular visión de la poesía desde diferentes estancias creativas.
Por una parte su representación de una poética ecológica le da una novedosa fuerza a su lenguaje artístico, muestra a la vez una preocupación y una conciencia, ofrece conocimientos edificados en la experiencia pronunciados con la visión de quien ha cosechado frutos ancestrales.
El autor expresa a través de sus imágenes una reflexión en torno a la naturaleza y al mismo tiempo expone una cierta sabiduría sobre la madre tierra.
Por otra parte, desde una perspectiva más íntima, produce una sensación de amor y respeto por la vida.
Asimismo se puede destacar otra instancia en la que podemos ubicar a Rendón como un poeta que describe mundos (jardines y paisajes) dentro de nuestro entorno cultural, presenciamos una dualidad expansiva, la visión microcósmica establecida en un jardín o en un segmento del mundo que puede representar una porción personal de tierra y, al expanderse en su peculiaridad lingüística -pues tenemos en nuestras manos un libro con poemas en inglés y en español y también con poemas bilingües en los que verso a verso se van manifestando las formas de la vida y su naturaleza (Temporada para todo / A season for everything)-, el autor alcanza un tono que se anida en tradiciones y manifestaciones de nuestros pueblos o, si se prefiere, en el origen de nuestra cultura chicana.
Up to Earthenaltece la presencia de la tierra que el poeta pisa. Es un libro que invita a la reflexión desde el convencimiento o la conciencia de compartir estancias en el espacio y en el tiempo, desde el cielo y sus condiciones climatológicas que en su discurrir nos forman y transforman, hasta nuestra permanencia en el futuro (ver el poema titulado Templo). Son las letras de un autor chicano evolucionando.
La biografía de Rendón y sus trabajos en escrito han marcado una trayectoria de gran respeto en nuestra comunidad. Quien lo conoce sabe de qué hablo, quien está por conocerlo debe saber que es un sanantoniano del mero barrio del Westside, y que ahora desde California nos escribe y describe con su poesía y otros textos.
Como autor de un libro fundacional en la historia de los mexicoamericanos en los Estados Unidos:Chicano Manifesto, quien también ha publicado otras obras literarias comoNoldo and his Magical Scooter at the Battle of The Alamo dedicada a la juventud (en edición bilingüe) Rendón se ha convertido en un versátil escritor de literatura a través de la cual incorpora relatos que narran nuestra historia y también autor de ensayos históricos que relatan nuestro pasado y nuestro presente.
Es un incansable promotor cultural de lo chicano. Es un gran editor quien en la actualidad mantiene una publicación en la red internet que ya es una referencia obligada en nuestro mundo chicano/latino tituladaSomos en escritoy, en fin, es un gran maestro que ha hecho de la educación una consagración personal.
Up to Earthes un opúsculo (como indica la segunda parte de su título) más que breve, expansivo como ya dije, y que desde su inmediatez apunta hacia lo monumental de nuestra naturaleza. Con su escritura don Armando logra un milagro: hace que a las palabras le salgan flores, y les crezca lo verde.

Raúl Caballero, nacido en Monterrey, NL, México, es director editorial del periódico La Estrella en Casa y de La Estrella Digital en Dallas/Fort Worth, Texas. Es autor de la biografía definitiva del activista chicano José Ángel Gutiérrez, publicada el año pasado y poco antes una colección de sus poemas, Viento Habitable. Para copias de sus obras,  comuníquese directamente con Raúl al: rcaballero@laestrelladigital.com

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Armando Rendón lets nature have the last word

By Raúl Caballero García

The book, Up to Earth (An Ecopoesy Chapbook), by Armando Rendón, unveils an extraordinary vision of poesy, the art of writing poems, using different creative perspectives.
From one angle, his offering of an ecologically driven poetics lends a novel force to his artistic language, shows at once a preoccupation and an understanding, and offers insights informed by his experience that are couched within the vision from which he has reaped ancestral benefits.
The author manifests via his images a reflection in turn of nature that at the same time posits a certain wisdom about the mother earth.
On the other hand, from a more intimate point of view, he evokes a sensation of love and respect for life.
In the same way, one can distinguish another vantage point where we can place Rendón as a poet who describes worlds (gardens and outings) within our cultural milieu, we witness an expansive duality, a microcosmic vision found within a garden or in a slice of the world which can represent a personal plot of land, which as we zoom out and as its peculiar linguistics burgeons  – well, we hold in our hands a book of poems in English and Spanish and some bilingual ones in which verse by verse the forms of life and nature manifest themselves (Temporada para todo/A season for everything) – the author achieves a tone that is one with the traditions and symbols of our communities, or if one prefers, the origins of our Chicano culture.
Up to Earth extols the presence of the land on which the poet walks. It is a book that invites reflection based on a conviction or consciousness to share places in space or time, from the heavens and from its ecosystems, which as they are conjured up, shape and reshape us, toward our own existence in the future (see the poem titled, Templo). These are the lyrics of a Chicano writer in evolution.
Rendón’s life and his labors in writing have marked out a trajectory worthy of great respect from our community. Those who know him know of what I speak, those still to make his acquaintance should be aware that he is a San Antonian from the Westside barrio who writes to us now from California describing the world in his poetry and other works.
As author of a seminal text on the history of Mexican Americans in the U.S., Chicano Manifesto, who has also published other literary works such as Noldo and his Magical Scooter at the Battle of The Alamo aimed at young peoples (in a bilingual edition), Rendón has converted himself into a versatile writer of literature by which he incorporates tales which recount our history and also historical essays which deal with our past and our present.
A tireless promoter of Chicano culture, he is also a first rate editor who publishes a magazine on the Internet which is already an obligatory reference source for our Chicano/Latino world, titled Somos en escrito: in short, this makes him a gran maestro who has made education his personal mission.
Up to Earth is a brief treatise (as the second part of the title suggests) beyond brevity – expansive as I’ve said, and which, from its intimacy with small things points us to the monumental in the world around us. In this work, Don Armando conjures a miracle: from his words, he makes flowers bloom, and makes what is green grow.


Raúl Caballero García
Raúl Caballero Garcia, a native of Monterrey, NL, México, is editor of La Estrella en Casa, and of La Estrella Digital in Dallas/Fort Worth, Texas. He is author of the definitive biography of Chicano activist, José Ángel Gutiérrez, published last year and a while before, of a collection of his poems, Viento Habitable. For copies of his works, contact Raul directly at: rcaballero@laestrelladigital.com.

Sharing loss as a community: Anaya's rite of passage to death

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Review of The Old Man's Love Story: author, Rudolfo Anaya

By Adelina Ortiz de Hill, with Jaima Chevalier

The Old Man's Love Story begins with the title character's loss of a partner, companion and lover in a poignant farewell at the dying woman's bedside, but the end of their life together brings forth a long dance between reality and conversations with a spirit. The opening sentence: "There was an old man who dwelt in the land of New Mexico, and he lost his wife" suggests a place where tradition and culture will play a key role in the story. By depicting how New Mexico's unique blend of Spanish Colonial, Native American, and Mexican history are melded together over the centuries, Anaya deftly weaves these legendary narratives into a study of death unfurled across a spiritual landscape through which Anaya offers the reader a lens with which to see life, love and loss.  
As the old man begins a dance between reality and conversations with a spirit, a photograph becomes a point of reference by which memories take on significance for his thesis. On page 17, Anaya refers to "Love, grief and memory. The sad, symbolic world of three, the old man's trinity." Thus begins the old man's interchange with the dead, and when he kisses the image, it is with an urgency borne of the need to recall her spirit. Rather than relying on the tired concepts of denial, anger and gradual acceptance, Anaya forges new territory in describing how the New Mexican experience brings geography and history into the survivor's experience of death. The role of geography and the pull of place factor heavily into his storytelling and remove it from the ordinary.
Anaya's poetic descriptions of huge cloud formations dwarfing the terrain below, sunsets captured by the mountains, and huge and unearthly moonscapes create an intensely beautiful backdrop for a story that is simultaneously ripe with the past and vividly in the present. Into this magically spiritual landscape, Anaya draws the reader into the many directions the story wanders. On page 54, he describes a Native American symbol that reiterates the multifaceted New Mexican approach to the world: "The four sacred directions were intrinsic to the worldview of many Native American communities. The emblem on the New Mexico flag was the Zia symbol, a bright sun with lines radiating out in the four directions."
This approach is intrinsic to Anaya's world view and views about death. His descriptions of Albuquerque's Sandia Mountains, vast thunderclouds, and gardens, create an extraordinary landscape through which the title character moves. This old man is not any ordinary old person. He is an educated man with profound memories of the literary journeys he has taken. He has also travelled the world, but is nonetheless at a loss to make these memories sustain him through the loneliness and sense of loss that overwhelms him when he loses his partner.
On page six, the character asks himself: "What would he learn from his journey into the world of spirits? What illuminations might ease the pain in his soul? His search would parallel her journey, and at some point in infinity the two must meet… He would find her."  For all his knowledge, he must still learn how to suffer through his loss, and his quest to find his lost partner creates parallel journeys. At the end of the book, the reader can believe that the old man's woman comes for him, and their transcendence to a world inhabited by cloud people traces back to the evocative New Mexico skies that Anaya has drawn.
As Anaya traverses the stages of death in novel ways that allow the reader to discover new insights into when and where renewal will be found, he offers wisdom about the nature of the most profound loss humans experience. Anaya employs the use of internal dialogue that portrays the old man's religious beliefs, his reliving of history. The on-going dialogue with a life-affirming spirit is not a straight trajectory to a happy ending.
The journey often reverts to loneliness and depression. Anaya depicts the old man's experiences at a senior center, with road rage, and a love affair.  If a survivor is detached from his own roots, the experience of grieving makes the world limited but freed from these confines, grieving in the spirit world is limitless and a safe place to communicate about the eternal questions.
Anaya portrays the state of New Mexico as a land of contrast, both in its dramatic physical features and in its mix of cultural traditions. The cultural mix surrounding mourning conjures images of times past, such as the Day of the Dead celebrations that meant taking a picnic to the cemetery for a day cleaning family graves. In traditional villages, honoring the dead meant holding a velorio(the form of wake traditional to many Spanish cultures) that pulled all parts of the community together, and ritualized memories of the dearly departed were a vital part of everyday life.
A loss experience by one person is a loss that belonged to everyone. So, in this sense, death is alive in New Mexico as nowhere else. Although the traditions are slowly dissolving, traces of them are literally carved into the bluffs and mesas, where crosses and Marian shrines stand as signposts to memory. In New Mexico, grieving families place roadside descansos (shrines or crosses marking the place where traffic deaths took place) alongside highways and byways.
These reminders of tragedy mark not only place, but stand as signposts to the past, a time when coffins were hand carried in procession from house to churchyard. Resting spots were marked along the way, and there was a community understanding that all grief was shared, no one suffered loss alone. The iconic image of the skeleton Grim Reaper, driving an empty carreta (carriage) evokes the dreaded image of the dead piled up to be carried away, and this reminder drives the living to comfort each other in communal ways as only social contact can provide.
Thus, these little practices of a culture, showing how death is dealt with, are a microcosm of the bigger picture. In impoverished times, death looms larger, in a way, given the higher incidence of death due to socioeconomic imbalance. The significance of sharing loss together as a community crosses the entire spectrum from the youngest to the oldest—a time when friends and family meant profound ritual and not a cell phone network. These rituals then ingrained cultural rite of passage with baptisms, communions, and weddings marking steps along the way to our ultimate destination.
In the chapter on" letting go" on page 127, the old man asks: "Is that all that's left in the end, photographs? The home we built. Every piece of furniture, books, her voice lingering here and there, favorite foods, friends—Is everything fading?" By coming  to terms with being among the living, the old man struggles with insights into his own spiritual beliefs in the classic “two steps forward and one step back” process, that of surrendering to the way of all things.
His on-going dialogue with a life-affirming spirit has frequent reversions to loneliness and depression, and railing against acceptance. American cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead referred to two islands, one of the living and one of the dead and love as the bridge. This bridge-world is Anaya's territory, one that he deftly maps, capturing the essence of the hispano-indio experience where myths and mystery are part and parcel of the terrain, as well as ultimate necessities for the grieving process to conclude. Anaya lost his wife Patricia in 2010.
This book captures the essence of the hispano experience of New Mexico, and it solidifies Rudolfo Anaya's reputation as the quintessential author in this genre.

The Old Man's Love Story is available through University of Oklahoma Press.A chapter extract is available in “Somos en escrito”; look for the big red rose or type in the title in the search box. The movie version of his classic novel, Bless Me, Ultima premiered earlier this year.

Adelina Ortiz de Hill
Adelina Ortiz de Hill, MSW, has published works across a broad range of topics, including social gerontology research that she conducted about Spanish-speaking populations of Michigan. She has presented seminars on death and dying around the country, including her testimony in 1974 to a congressional sub-committee about homeless elderly. She helped found the website: www.vocesdesantafe.org, an interactive internet repository for area history, as recounted through the diverse voices of the people of Santa Fe and surrounding environs. Jaima Chevalier assisted in preparing the book review; she has authored La Conquistadora/Unveiling the History of Santa Fe's Six Hundred Year Old Religious Icon.


“…fly like the proverbial bird”

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Review of Bird of Paradise: How I Became Latina: author, Raquel Cepeda

By Thelma T. Reyna

Raquel Cepeda’s memoir, Bird of Paradise: How I Became Latina, is authentically reflective of her prominence in the various worlds she navigates: hip-hop and new media, journalism, advocacy of women worldwide, and her social activism regarding the disenfranchised, especially young Latinas on the verge of suicide. “Raquel Cepeda” may not be a household name, but it needs to be, because Cepeda speaks with a voice that captures all the grit of growing up oppressed by domestic violence and racial prejudice, but also the victory of breaking these bonds to fly like the proverbial bird of her book’s title.
In Bird of Paradise, Cepeda re-lives her life with razor-sharp attention to detail. The memoir is actually two books in one. Part I depicts the author’s childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood in New York City, warts and all. Part II depicts her journey to different parts of the world in discovering her true ethnic identity, which in turn helps her reconcile her family conflicts and bring closure to her lifelong struggle to understand her heritage.
The two parts read like different books, with the first half full of unapologetic defiance, jadedness, turbulence, and violence, depicted for readers without self-pity and with eyes wide open. The second half is reflective, academic, graced with historical accounts of Cepeda’s people in general and her ancestors specifically. In a context of science and the burgeoning accessibility of DNA testing, Cepeda nonetheless keeps both parts well-connected, primarily because of the salience of key players in Part I: her father, mother, and other relatives.

Part I: Surviving Domestic Abuse
Cepeda’s hardiness in the face of abuse is stunning. She is a warrior and survivor who made her own destiny. Cast from one parent to another, from one household to another, unloved and unwanted by both parents, and feeling perennially marginalized, Cepeda navigates her life the best way she can and somehow defies the odds.
We learn early on that her mother had been a high achiever in a privileged Dominican family, but that, as a teenager, she forsook a bright future to marry, against her parents’ wise protestations, an older, suave singer of questionable reputation who conned his way into her heart. Foolishly rebellious, Cepeda’s mother, Rocío , becomes a child bride to Eduardo and almost immediately starts living a life of hell.
In short order, she devolves from being the brainy, favorite child of an upper middle-class family in Santo Domingo, to living hand-to-mouth in a Bronx tenement, being little more than chattel to her cold, domineering, womanizing husband. When Raquel is born to this couple, she is a burden to two self-absorbed people incapable of loving. Cepeda writes: “My mother has trouble taking care of me. She can barely take care of herself.” (p. 22)
When Cepeda is six months old, her divorced mother packs her off to her family’s estate in Paraíso, Santo Domingo. For the next six years there, Cepeda has what is perhaps the only stretch of love and happiness in her childhood, nurtured by her maternal grandparents, uncles, and aunts while her absent mother “gets back on her feet.” But once Rocío fetches her daughter and takes her back to the States, Cepeda’s life is set on a path of turbulence and violence.
Rocío’s choices in men are detrimental not only to her but to Raquel as well. One after the other, the men Rocío brings into her life and sometimes marries are brutes who blithely brag that beating their women “to keep them in line” is necessary. Easy to control, Rocío is transformed into a pitiful shell by abusive husbands and lovers. She denies reality, struggles to survive, and has absolutely no love to spare for her daughter. After two years of utter hell at the hands of her second husband, Rocío flees with Raquel for their lives, and Rocío strikes out on her own.
She sends Raquel, now eight, to live with Eduardo in New York City. Her mother’s parting words to her are, “Go to hell. I hope you die and go to hell with your father. I never want to see you again.” (p. 22) Now it is Raquel Cepeda herself who is the victim of beatings. Her enigmatic, hard-hearted father has married a detached White woman named Alice who might as well be invisible. From the time Cepeda is an elementary school child, through her high school years, Alice witnesses Eduardo beating his daughter with wooden chairs, metal ball hoppers, his fists, and anything else he can marshal, yet Alice says nothing to stop the violence.
Eduardo despises Dominicans and wishes they were all killed. A Dominican himself, he denies his heritage and tries to present himself as a White man. He enrolls Raquel in a private Catholic school and demands that she learn how to play piano and tennis, as White people do. He rightly believes that his daughter’s achievement in school will afford her a better life, but he brutally demands perfection from her and is unforgiving of any shortcomings. He humiliates her publicly, strikes her forcefully on her neck or head if she makes errors, and continues “kicking, throwing, and punching me” (p. 69) once he and Cepeda get home. Cepeda “lives like a scared animal under his roof.” (p. 146) Finally, after high school, she stands up to her father and flees his domination by going to college in Pennsylvania.

The Saving Graces of Hip-Hop
Throughout her adolescence, Cepeda finds respite from domestic turmoil in Washington Square Park and other open areas where aspiring artists, singers, dancers, and other young people congregate and enjoy popular music trends that speak to their own alienation and generation. The ethnic diversity and camaraderie, the song lyrics that echo the hardships and disenchantment that Cepeda feels, are affirming and welcoming to her. She feels at home in the hip-hop culture she sees burgeoning around her, and she embraces it wholly, even though her father denigrates the “monkeys,” the Blacks he called “Matangas,” and tries to prevent his daughter from associating with ethnic-minority people, all of whom he deems inferior.
Feeling that nobody in her life understands her affinity for hip-hop, Cepeda fully embraces it in her high school years, replacing “the played-out textbooks I barely cracked as a high school senior” (p. 297) with music-focused periodicals, such as The Village Voice. She is learning about life, herself, her values, her direction from top writers for The Village Voice and other such media, and from the lyrics of her favorite hip-hop artists.
By the end of Part I, Cepeda has secured jobs with hip-hop media and is making a name for herself. Her eventual husband, Sacha Jenkins, offers Cepeda her “first big break,” a celebrity interview for his magazine, Beat Down. She returns the favor years later by inviting him to submit an article for a hip-hop anthology she is editing. They fall in love, marry, and Cepeda’s life journey becomes ever clearer. She writes: “My participation in the [hip-hop] culture as a magazine editor, critic, and documentary filmmaker has been the proverbial key that’s opened the door for me to roam this breathtaking planet.” (p. 154)

Part II: Cepeda’s Journey to Find Her Ancestry
All her life, Raquel Cepeda has been an enigma to anyone wondering about her ethnic heritage: she is variously identified as Black, Mexican, Spanish, Arab, Egyptian, Jewish, Indian, biracial White, and other configurations that bemuse and baffle her. Almost never is she correctly pegged as a Dominican-American. To muddle the matter further, Cepeda’s father is tight-lipped about his heritage, in particular refusing to discuss his father. Because Cepeda has been “unable to stand him for most of my life” (p. 147), she cares little about Eduardo’s heritage and is mostly embarrassed by his extreme racism against Blacks and Latinos.
But after Cepeda gives birth to her daughter and gains greater success in her journalistic career, she begins a reconciliation with her past and with her father that starts her journey of self-discovery. Eduardo has a heart attack that leaves him more vulnerable than previous ones have, and she fears that, once he dies, she’ll never be able to learn the full truth about their heritage. “A part of me would die with him,” she writes. “I needed Dad to help me uncover an important part of our family’s history. By using the science of ancestral DNA testing, I’d be able to start piecing together the puzzle of our…ancestral origins.” (p. 148)
So Cepeda embarks on a journey that eventually answers her questions but creates others. By convincing her father and other key family members, most of them in other countries, to submit cheek swabs for a specialized mitochondrial DNA testing, Cepeda learns piecemeal information about her forebears, increasing the specificity of her origins as additional relatives are tested. To help her better understand these roots, she travels to the places of the world once inhabited by her predecessors, visiting different continents, interviewing experts, scholars, other relatives, and slowly filling in gaps.
In the process, she learns history like it was never taught in school, history of other peoples and cultures stripped of their Eurocentric focus that is the trademark of the teaching of history in the United States. The reader’s eyes are opened wide for perhaps the first time regarding what vaunted historical “heroes” (e.g., Christopher Columbus) actually did toward the people they “conquered.”
Cepeda writes: “What would…the Birthers and…conservative Republicans  say if they learned that many Latinos (me included) are mixed with European blood because of the thing they fear…illegal immigration?” (p. 260) The author ultimately states: “My own genetic and spiritual revelations have made me think about what exactly makes a U.S. citizen American. What does that look like as opposed to the face of an ‘illegal’? I always thought the face of America looked like the original people who settled here….Indigenous Americans and Mexicans were here first….Latinos are prototypical New Americans, the products of European immigration, colonialism, and slavery.” (p. 260)

Cepeda’s Importance in Latino Literature
Raquel Cepeda, a Dominican-American, is best known as an award-winning journalist and documentary filmmaker, especially the critically-lauded film, Bling: A Planet Rock, which depicts hip-hop’s love affair with diamonds. She directed and produced this, and also edited the anthology, And It Don’t Stop: The Best American Hip-Hop Journalism of the Last 25 Years (2004, Faber & Faber, Inc.). Cepeda also served as editor-in-chief of One World Magazine. Her career as an author has centered on journalism and the hip-hop culture.
With DNA testing becoming more familiar to people via movies, television, school classes, and the popular media, Raquel Cepeda’s memoir fills a niche that may arguably increase in relevance: the juncture of science and its effect on people’s everyday lives and interests. Because of its role in solving crimes, DNA testing has often been seen as a technical, esoteric tool for helping catch killers, rapists, and other wrongdoers. Because of Raquel Cepeda, however, DNA testing may help many of us truly understand our roots and appreciate better the one message that is strongly implied in her book.
Listen carefully. The message is: There is only one race on Earth, the human race. We are all connected.

Thelma T. Reyna, Ph.D., is author of The Heavens Weep for Us and Other Stories (2009, Outskirts Press), which has won four national awards. Her short stories, poems, essays, book reviews, and other non-fiction have been published in literary and academic journals, literature textbooks, anthologies, blogs, and regional media off and on since the 1970’s. Her first poetry chapbook, Breath & Bone, (Finishing Line Press, 2011) was a semi-finalist in a national poetry chapbook competition. Dr. Reyna is an adjunct professor at California State University, Los Angeles. Her website iswww.ThelmaReyna.com.


Raquel Cepeda, born of Dominican parents in Harlem, wrote Bird of Paradise: How I Became Latina as part of her ongoing exploration of the concept of race, identity, and ancestral DNA among Latinos. She is an award-winning journalist and documentary filmmaker, who lives in New York City with her husband, daughter and son. She’s in production on a documentary exploring Latino identity through the science of DNA testing in a Bronx-based suicide prevention program for teens. Her memoir is available from Atria Books and other retail and online sources.

Una Noche Peregrina en la Tierra del Dólar

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Una Noche Peregrina en la Tierra del Dólar

Por Alvaro Ramirez

Miró el reloj otra vez: quince para las cuatro. Se incorporó en el asiento apoyándose sobre los codos y echó una mirada alrededor: nada. La Toni no se encontraba por ninguna parte. Intentó en vano esconderse en la penumbra perfumada del coche viejo. Había bajado un poco las ventanas para dejar que circulara el aire, pero sólo entraban vagos murmullos. Era la ciudad que crujía bajo el peso de la oscuridad de la noche. Los rumores se le mezclaban y se confundían con fragmentos de diálogos y recuerdos del día anterior.
Después de todo, el aventón no había valido la pena. Estaba de pleno arrepentido de haberse salido del Hideaway Bar con La Toni: "Mira, pa' que no estés aquí esperando a tu amigo, mejor vente conmigo. Yo te doy un raite aónde quieras, pero primero tengo que hacer un bisnes allá por Hueneme. ¿Qué te parece?” Él aceptó. Entonces ella le dijo que le ayudara a poner los taburetes encima de la barra y las sillas sobre las mesas mientras ella hacía el corte de caja. Para aligerar la salida el muchacho se ofreció para barrer de volada el piso asqueroso de donde salieron montones de bachichas. La Toni casi le pisaba los talones trapeando el piso con Pinesol. El olor del líquido compenetró todo el bar de tal manera que cuando salieron de la cantina a eso de las dos y media de la mañana, fue un placer inhalar el aire de fresa que saturaba esa parte de la ciudad.
Él la había conocido una semana antes, cuando acababan de darle trabajo de cantinera en el Hideaway. "Me llamo Toni,” le dijo, mientras servía chelas a los piscadores que hacían del pequeño bar un oasis todas las tardes después de pasar jornadas de cuerpo doblado en los surcos de apio, fresa y lechuga. No había nada como una chela bien fría para enderezarlos y dejarlos como nuevos para la faena del siguiente día. “Se escribe con i, no con i griega." Luego, La Toni se detuvo por un instante en medio del estruendo del bar: una mezcla de carcajadas, tintineo de botellas y una canción del Los Temerarios. Puso un brazo salpicado de moretones sobre la barra y, cara a cara con el muchacho, añadió amenazante, "y cuidado con que me digas Antonia."
Bueno, ella decía que así se llamaba, pero entre los paisas de Oxnard estaba muy de moda cambiarse de nombre como si fuera ropa mugrosa, para despistar la migra. Sólo Dios sabía si ése era su nombre verdadero.
El muchacho tampoco podía decidir si consideraba a La Toni una mujer guapa. Todo dependía del ánimo de ambos, las cervezas que él había tomado y la hora del día. De lo que el chavo sí estaba seguro era de que La Toni tenía los brazos clásicos de los tecatos; lo pregonaba en voz alta los moretones sobre las venas de sus antebrazos, que hacían un juego perfecto con el retablo de tatuajes diluidos de chola que le adornaban el bíceps derecho y la pequeña cruz tatuada en las coyunturas del dedo índice y pulgar de ambas manos. Además de ser tecata, daba señas claras de que le gustaba polvearse la nariz.
Salieron del Hideaway y se subieron a un Impala viejo, modelo sesenta y seis, que parecía tener más parentela con un barco que con los coches. Al abrir la puerta emanó una mezcla de perfume barato y humo de cigarrillos. "¿Pa’ ónde vas a jalar?" "No sé," dijo él, “si quieres me dejas en Superantojitos. Allí me puedo encontrar a alguien que me aviente pa' mi chante en La Colonia." "Me suena buena la idea, ése,” le dijo La Toni, “yo también le caigo pallá si tú disparas. Primero, deja nomás pasar por el cantón de unos cuates. Tengo que recoger algo, ¿oquey?" "Está bien," contestó el chavo, "pero nomás me quedan un par de dólares."
La Toni se hizo la sorda. Arrancó el coche y salieron del estacionamiento.
El joven pasó la mano sobre la bolsilla de su camisa y sintió el filo del papel doblado, luego deslizó la mano hasta posarla en el muslo: Un pinche billete de veinte dólares, pensó. Sabía que era mejor no decirle nada a la mujer sobre aquel billete que llevaba juntito al corazón. No porque fuera tacaño y no le quisiera disparar la cena, sino porque sabía muy bien que ella se lo pediría prestado para alivianarse el brazo y lo dejaría de prángana. Pinches tecatos, todos eran iguales.
La Toni siguió dando la impresión de no haber escuchado lo del par de dólares. Prendió el radio y buscó KRTH 101, donde estaban tocando “The Wanderer”; no esperó que terminara la canción, cambió de estación varias veces y por fin sintonizó KLOVE: Radio Amor, porque el deejay acababa de poner una rola de Los Bukis. “Déjalo ahí,” le dijo el chavo. “Esa rola está buena.”
La mujer giró a la izquierda en la Calle C y ganaron hacia la playa de Hueneme con el ritmo apacible y lento con que manejan los cholos sus lowriders. La canción de Los Bukis era la perfecta banda sonora; acompañaba bien el viaje en coche a esa hora por la ciudad de Oxnard. Acentuaba la brisa que cada tarde salía del mar con la precisión de un reloj atómico y que cubría la ciudad de un tono plomizo, un velo gris que en las horas más maduras de la noche le daba a Oxnard un toque de desolación, una tristeza de novia abandonada. A esa precisa hora en que los paisasdormían y soñaban que las cajas de fresa, apio y limón que piscaban en los eternos campos verdes, se convertían en casas de tabique rojo en tierras lejanas, en el otro Estados Unidos, el de los mexicanos.
El coche ballena se deslizó entre claroscuros y palmas tristes con troncos que parecían pescuezos de jirafa estirados por una fuerza invisible escondida en la oscuridad de un cielo sin estrellas. El muchacho sintió una franca simpatía con las palmas elásticas que se resistían a ser tragadas por la inmensidad negra que amenazaba sus copas mechudas.
La Toni miró al chavo con el rabillo del ojo y lo notó un poco desolado. “No te agüites, ese.”
Él ya no dijo nada. Estaba seguro de que ella sólo tenía la intención de ir a surtirse de droga, quizás un poco de polvorín colombiano. La idea le cuadraba muy bien a él. Se acordó de que toda la santa noche no había probado nada y de repente le habían entrado unas ganas inmensas de darse un pericazo.
Llegaron a unos apartamentos cerca de la calle Pleasant Valley. La Toni estacionó a duras penas el Impala garrafal en un estrecho estacionamiento reservado para los inquilinos. "Espérame aquí," dijo, "salgo en unos minutos." Dio tres pasos, vaciló un momento y regresó al carro. "¿No trais dinero?" "Ya te dije que nomás traigo un par de varos, Toni. Si trajera lana hubiera llamado un taxi pa' que me llevara a mi chante, ¿no crees?" Hubo varios segundos de silencio. El aire olía a mar y desconfianza.
Ella quiso insistir pero él disimuló: sacó un cigarrillo, lo encendió y echó una bocanada de humo que se esparció por el interior del Impala, luego rebotó en el vidrio del parabrisas haciendo pequeños remolinos. "Chale," la oyó decir medio fastidiada. Después, le siguió los pasos con el oído, sin mirar siquiera en cual de los apartamentos se había metido.
Ahora eran casi las cuatro de la mañana, y ella aún no salía. A él no le agradaba nada estar esperándola en el carro porque la zona no era de mucha confianza. El estacionamiento, alumbrado por una sola lámpara de luz amarillenta, se comunicaba por un lado con la calle y por otro con un callejón oscuro que rozaba toda la espalda del edificio de apartamentos. Más allá del callejón había un campo baldío lleno de matorrales negros y, aun más allá, como si fuera un país lejano e inverosímil, se alzaban las siluetas de edificios grises y chatos de la Pleasant Valley Road. Todo este panorama lo complementaba un aire nefasto que pronto le hizo sentir al muchacho como si fuera un animal puesto allí a guisa de señuelo para atraer alguna bestia nocturna. Para cerciorarse de que no lo fuera a sorprender nadie, se mantenía alerta y volteaba a menudo hacia la calle y luego hacia el callejón.   
Al principio se fumó un par de cigarrillos. Después de media hora se percató de su situación precaria y decidió recostarse a lo largo del asiento para que los cholos no lo vieran y le fueran a echar la bronca. Una hora más tarde el joven seguía recostado en las tinieblas del interior del coche. Empezó a inventar varios escenarios que le pudieran estar sucediendo a La Toni. Se la imaginaba en la sala de un vil apartamento: alfombra color beige salpicada de sombras de mugre; un sofa verde y dilapidado; un sillón roído y destripado; dos o tres mesitas colmadas de ceniceros, cigarrillos, jeringas, ligas. Varias caras macilentas. Brazos escuálidos. Todo envuelto en un olor rancio, agrio, igual al olor de la coca. Un verdadero tugurio de tecatos. Pinche vieja, dijo para sí el muchacho, seguro que se está picando con sus cuates; o a lo mejor se echó una sobredosis y ahorita está bien lela la cabrona; o a lo mejor se la están cogiendo todos los tecatos. Pinche vieja tecata, hija de su retebomba madre.
Por fin, se convenció de que La Toni no iba a salir y si él no hacía nada, se amanecería en el coche. Pero sabía muy bien que no podía irse a pie desde allí hasta La Colonia. Serán como tres millas, calculó el chavo, quizás más. Sería mejor buscar un teléfono público. Chingao, se dijo en seguida, necesito un par de daimes o una cora para hacer la llamada. Se hurgó todas las bolsas de los pantalones y la camisa, luego volvió a registrarlas, pero el resultado era siempre el mismo: no traía más que aquel billete de veinte dólares, el cual en ese momento le parecía la cosa más inútil del mundo. Después, también buscó por todo el coche y no encontró más que algunas baratijas de La Toni entre bachichasy cerillos. Fue entonces cuando se convenció de que no tenía cambio. Era necesario encontrar un lugar en donde cambiar el billete de veinte dólares para llamar un taxi.
Empezó a trazar un mapa mental de toda aquella zona para ubicar un lugar donde hubiera una caseta de teléfono. Decidió que el sitio más cercano estaba en la Calle Saviers, una tiendita tipo Seven Eleven. Una media milla, se dijo, allí puedo comprar algo para que me den cambio. Pero era una media milla de puro peligro: toda esa zona estaba infestada de cholillos. Por eso estuvo un rato dándole vueltas al asunto porque sabía que si los cholos lo cachaban no se la iban a perdonar: "¿Qué onda, ése? ¿Pa ónde la tiras, joms? ¿Trais cigarrillos, ése? ¿Qué más trais, ése?" La escena se realizaría con el reglamentario surtido de putazos; y mañana, a explicar con mentiras el labio roto y el ojo hinchado: eran retemuchos, güey, pero bierasvisto como desconté a tres pinches cholillos: a uno le saqué el mole, a otro lo dejé chimuelo y al tercero lo desgüevé de una patada.
Miró el reloj otra vez. Eran las cuatro y media. En un par de horas más empezaría a amanecer, y él ahí nomás de monigote en un coche inútil. Si por lo menos la pinche Toni le hubiera dejado las llaves. Al rato la gente va a salir a jalar al fil, pensó el chavo, y me van a ver aquí y van a creer que soy uno de esos paisas que viven en sus carros. Puta madre. Era todo lo que me faltaba. Pinche vieja puta. Y yo también, como soy tan pendejo. Para que diablos me vine con ella. Mejor me hubiera esperado a que llegara mi raite en la cantina. Pero ese güey también siempre la caga. Seguro que ni pasó por el pinche bar.
El enojo se le fue multiplicando, y pronto no pensaba en otra cosa más que en mentarle la madre a La Toni: hija de su puta madre, hija de su puta madre, hija de su puta madre, repetía con la monotonía de un disco rayado en la oscuridad perfumada del carro. Poseído de un coraje descomunal mandó todo a la chingada: me valen madre los cholos, dijo para sí. Mejor una paliza que quedarme en este puto coche otro minuto más.
Recorrió con la vista el estacionamiento para asegurarse de que no estuviera nadie; no había ningún rastro humano. Salió del coche y a toda prisa se fue rumbo a la Saviers. Más fácil y seguro, pensó, atravesar lo más rápido posible por los matorrales del campo baldío hasta la Pleasant Valley. Corrió a través de aquel lugar desamparado tratando de evadir arbustos que le chicoteaban las piernas. Se cuidaba de no tropezar con los cacharros y trastos viejos que aparecían medio escondidos por todos lados. Como si anduviera cruzando por los cerros de Tijuana, se dijo. Recordó otros detalles de esa travesía y dijo a la oscuridad: “Esta chingadera no es nada.”
Salió del baldío, cruzó la Pleasant Valley y subió por la Calle C, luego dio vuelta en una calle menos transitada, corriendo y aprovechando siempre el lado más oscuro. Despistaba a la poca gente que transitaba en coche a esa hora, fingiendo entrar a la casa más cercana cada vez que pasaba un automóvil. Pero sólo entraba al patio frontero o al driveway. En cuanto se retiraba el peligro, reanudaba su carrera sigilosa, evadiendo el maldito alumbrado que, a todas luces, estaba en su contra.
Dio la casualidad que uno de los coches frenó de repente. Ya me chingaron, dijo quedito a nadie en particular. Se zambulló de volada entre unos rosales repletos de rosas sin reparar siquiera en la fragancia exagerada que exhalaban las flores. Un silencio raro, aromado, envolvió el entorno del joven escondido. Los rumores nocturnos cesaron de tal modo que lo único que escuchaba era el latido nítido de su corazón. Aguantó las ramas espinosas que le arañaban la frente y los brazos con el mismo estoicismo que esperaba la tanda de golpes. Pero la violencia chola no llegó. El coche sólo había disminuido la velocidad para no atropellar un gato callejero y luego había seguido su camino. Cuando el muchacho se desenmaraño con cuidado de las ramas del rosal; le sorprendió que hubiera aguantado el suplicio, que su cuerpo estuviera preparado para padecer esas tribulaciones: una mezcla rara de dolor y placer.
Continuó su carrera por aquella noche larga.
Empezó a sentir un leve dolor en el costado derecho. El dolor se agudizó y pronto sintió que le estaban arrancando una costilla, pero el temor a los cholos le daba fuerzas: Este dolorcito no es nada comparado a la pamba que me pueden dar los cholillos, se dijo para animarse. Siguió su carrera y diez minutos después de bajar del Impala de la Toni, el chavo se topó con la Calle Saviers. La tiendita estaba a una cuadra. Disminuyó el trote y cruzó la calle, tan sereno como si estuviera en pleno día y no al filo de la madrugada. Quería disimular que iba sin aliento, mas su forma de andar lo contradecía. La carrera lo había dejado ajetreado más de lo que quisiera. Sintió un ataque de náusea y creía que en cualquier momento desembucharía lo poco que llevaba en el estómago. Lo único que lo consolaba era la luz abundante de la calle porque ahora no lo ponía en peligro, al contrario, ahora las luces de la ciudad se habían convertido en su salvación. Por eso, le importaba poco que, además de la náusea, una punzada le seguía agobiando el costado derecho y lo hacía ladear el cuerpo un poco. Sus pulmones eran dos sacos de arena y un badajo loco le machacaba las sienes mientras el corazón le boxeaba en el pecho.
Así que cuando llegó a aquella tiendita bañada de luz, sintió un gran alivio porque se creía a salvo de todo peligro. Era como si hubiera salido de un páramo salvaje y ahora estuviera en un lugar donde nada ni nadie le pudiera hacer daño. Ya la hice, dijo para sí, felicitándose por la hazaña que acababa de realizar. Cuando lo cuente nadie me la van a creer: De veras, güey. Yo sé que esa zona es una de las más cabronas, pero yo soy chingón, ése. Mira, no te miento, lo único que saqué fueron nomás unos rasguños en la frente cuando me caí en un pinche rosal.

Me detuve enfrente de la tiendita por unos segundos para tranquilizarme. Eché una mirada alrededor y noté que aparte de una parvada de comejenes que se daban de topes en un foco de luz en el techo, afuera el lugar estaba completamente solo. Las ganas de basquearse me habían pasado. Abrí la puerta y entré a la tiendita. I saw him hesitate outside the store, looking around nervously. El olor de la mercancía me hizo el efecto de un vuelve a la vida después de una borrachera. Me sentía feliz. When he came in, I was standing behind the counter. He didn't even notice me. He went straight for the cooler. Me fui derechito a las hieleras que estaban en el fondo de la tiendita. He stood there for a long time. ¿Cerveza? Nada. No venden hasta las seis y media. Seemed like he wasn't going to buy anything. He just stood there. ¿Un jugo de mango? ¿Un jugo de papaya? So, I was beginning to wonder, you know? I mean, I didn't understand why this guy was taking so long back there. ¿Un jugo de naranja? ¿Gatorade? ¿Un refresco? Bueno, un pinche refresco. Then, he finally comes over to the counter with a can of Coke. Puse el refresco en el mostrador y pedí unos cigarrillos Marlboro rojos.So he puts the can on the counter and asks for a pack of cigarettes. Alcé la vista y miré al dependiente. I give him Marlboros because that’s what they usually ask for, you know? Era un muchacho gringo, de los que siempre trabajan en las tienditas. I figured he was Mexican. Alto, flacucho, rubio, cara descolorida y llena de granos. I mean, up close he looked like one of those guys that work in the fields. Quería hablarle en inglés. Kind of dark, medium build, short straight hair. His English wasn't very good. Pero las palabras se me escabullían. What really bugged me was that he would look at me and then turn away. Me dijo algo en inglés. Nervous-like, jittery. ¿Qué? He was sweating and a little agitated, breathing hard. ¿Qué?Then he tries to pay with a twenty-dollar bill and I tell him I don't have change. Me dijo algo así como no chench y me di cuenta que me decía que no tenía cambio. Me lleva la chingada, dije.I don't have change for a twenty. Que no tenía dinero en la caja para cambiar mi billete de veinte dólares.I don't know if he understood me. ¿Cómo que este cabrón no tiene cambio?But he looked kinda mad. Le clave una mirada filosa y el gringuillo cambió de color y dio un paso hacia atrás. I felt my face flush. Yo buscaba como hacerle para que me diera cambio. We just stood there in silence for a few seconds. Porque de ninguna manera me iba a salir de allí sin monedas para llamar un pinche taxi.My heart is now telling me something is wrong. I mean, what was I supposed to think? Mira, le dije en mi inglés mocho, yo quiero comprar algo para cambiar este billete y llamar un taxi.There was a sign right on the counter: Less than $20.00 available in the cash register after 10:00 PM. Está bien, yo entiendo que no puedes recibir un billete de veinte dólares. But the guy kept going on in his broken English. Está bien. Pero mira. No me podrías hacer un favor y llamar un taxi. I half understood that he needed a taxi. Col taxi, col taxi, le decía.Then, he wanted me to call a taxi. Y sale con que las reglas no lo permiten. ¡Puta madre!I told him, we weren’t allowed to make such calls, you know? Yo seguí con mi inglés mocho. Caman, le decía, plis. I thought he was just stalling for time. Ya ni para que hacerle la lucha, pensé.Then, he just stood there again, looking nervous. Porque el gringuito nomás decía, Ai quent, Ai quent, y meneaba la cabeza de lado a lado.I began to shake my head over and over because I wasn’t going to call or give him change. Oquey, oquey. Está bien. ¡Vete mucho a la chingada! He mumbled something in Spanish and then he didn't say anything else. Devolví el refresco a la vitrina y él recogió los cigarrillos.With a disgusted look, he returned the soft drink to the cooler;
I put the cigarettes back on the shelf. En vez de salirme de la tienda decidí mirar revistas un rato.Era obvio que no iba comprar ninguna. I thought he was going to leave. Sólo quería hacerme menso mientras llegaba algún cliente. But he didn't. Que me pudiera cambiar el de a veinte por dos de a diez.Now he decides to stand by the magazine rack and acts like he's reading, you know? También porque me sentía mucho más tranquilo dentro que afuera.Well, the boss is always bitching because we let people loiter. Además, no molestaba a nadie, ¿verdad? Besides, at that time you don't want anyone loitering around, know what I mean? Shit, it's like four thirty in the morning. Pero casi enseguida el güey gringo me llamó la atención. You have to leave, man. You can't stay in here if you're not buying anything. Que me tenía que salir de la tienda porque no se permitía que estuviera dentro si no compraba nada.Now, he gets this really nasty look on his face. ¡Qué chingue su madre este gringo puto! I started thinking about my safety. Ahora sí me dieron ganas de meterme atrás del mostrador y darle unos putazos al cabrón güero.I mean, he looked so mad, I thought he was going to attack me. Pero yo no la quería regar.So that's when the idea first crossed my mind, you know? Así que me aguanté y me salí tan lleno de rabia que hasta al mismo diablo le hubiera dado miedo acercárseme.I thought: if this guy doesn't leave the premises, I have to do something. That's why I did it. I had no other choice.

Afuera la noche empezaba a oler a madrugada. El muchacho se infló los pulmones varias veces con un aire fresco que acababa de cruzar el mar. Le causó un efecto tónico y reconfortante. La ira se le diluía un tanto con cada respiro de aquel aire peregrino que, como él, viajaba por una noche rara, una noche sin fin.
Por instinto miró alrededor: el estacionamiento estaba vacío. Ni en los espacios que le correspondían a los otros negocios había un solo coche. Del otro lado de la ciudad llegaba el leve rumor del frigüey y de vez en cuando pasaba un carro anónimo por la Calle Saviers. Por un instante, meditó sobre la posibilidad de seguir su camino a pie: no, no seas pendejo, se dijo. De ninguna manera te puedes ir caminando hasta el cantón; si son todavía como dos millas de camino. No le quedaba otra más que esperar a que cayera por ahí alguien que le pudiera cambiar el billete. Además, bajo el alumbrado del lugar que lucía a todo volumen, se sentía a salvo.
Se mantuvo parado justo enfrente de la tiendita. De cuando en cuando volteaba y miraba al dependiente a través del ventanal luminoso que los separaba: pinche idiota, decía el muchacho mexicano en voz baja. El otro, el gringo, fingía no verlo. Andaba de aquí para allá y de allá para acá haciendo sus quehaceres, pero se le notaba un poco distraído. Una vez más, el de fuera volvió la vista hacia dentro, pero en esta ocasión vio que el otro, el que estaba dentro, hablaba por teléfono. El mexicano se hizo la ilusión de que el gringo estaba llamando un taxi. Sin embargo, un presentimiento le llegó hasta el tuétano en el momento en que el empleado colgó el teléfono, porque el gringo le lanzó una mirada furtiva y sospechosa, como si el mexicano lo hubiera cachado con las manos en la masa.
No pasó ni un minuto cuando se escuchó el zumbido lejano de un coche que venía a toda máquina. El rumor del motor fue creciendo y justo antes de que apareciera el carro, el muchacho vio las luces intermitentes haciendo un baile rojiazul en las paredes de los edificios. El automóvil entró al estacionamiento casi sin frenar por la primera entrada que encontró. Antes de que el joven pudiera reaccionar, la policía ya lo había acorralado. Estacionaron el coche patrulla justo enfrente de él. Las luces altas y los reflectores que habían puesto a propósito sobre él, arrojaron un resplandor que lo dejó casi ciego; de tal modo que cuando las dos puertas de la patrulla se abrieron, a duras penas podía percibir un bulto vago y negro detrás de cada una.
De la luz deslumbrante surgieron los gritos bilingües, en estéreo: TURN AROUND. VOLTEATE. Se dio la vuelta con calma hacia el ventanal de la tiendita. PUT YOUR HANDS UP. ALZA LOS MANOS. Elevó los brazos a la altura de su cabeza. GET ON YOUR KNEES. HINCATE EN RODILLAS. Se hincó con los brazos en cruz como si estuviera haciendo una penitencia o pagando una manda. LAY DOWN ON YOUR STOMACH. ACUESTA EN TU ESTOMAGO. Se acostó boca abajo, como Cristo al revés. DON’T MOVE. TE DIGO NO TE MUEVAS. Se quedó quietecito, sin hacer caso a las piedritas que se le incrustaban en la mejilla o el fuerte olor a orines que surgía de la banqueta. Sintió que unas manos demasiado suaves, más de mujer que de hombre, le cacheaban los costados y las piernas de arriba abajo.
“Levántate,” le dijo el policía ya con un tono menos apremiante. El muchacho hacía todo lo que le decían sin titubear. Ya conocía la rutina. Se puso de pie con las ventanas de la tiendita a sus espaldas. Dijo para sí--Sereno, ese. Sereno, que ya pasó lo peor. No te muevas. No hagas ningún movimiento. No has hecho nada, hombre. Aquí no va a pasar nada--se dijo para tratar de ahuyentar el miedo.
En este momento apareció otra patrulla, la cual entró haciendo la misma maniobra que la primera y se estacionó en diagonal apuntando sus luces hacia el joven mexicano. Era un coche patrulla K-9, en el que venía un policía con un perro pastor alemán, una replica perfecta de Rintintín. El chota se bajó del carro y dejó a Rintintín con tamaña lenguota de pechera, babeando el asiento trasero mientras clavaba sus ojos negros en el joven mexicano. " What you got here?" Preguntó el recién llegado. “We’re looking into it," le contestó el que acababa de cachear al joven.
El muchacho observó que el policía que lo había esculcado tenía pinta de chicano y hablaba español pocho. Su compañero, que flanqueaba la escena con la mano en la pistola todo el tiempo, era gabacho. El que acababa de llegar era una fotocopia del gabacho; y su colega Rintintín, el perro policía, tenía que ser gringo también. Todos son de la misma raza, dijo para sí.
"¿Trais un aidí?" "Sí." "Dámela aquí." El joven volteó y miró al policía que cubría el flanco con su mano sobre la pistola, listo en caso de que el mexicano hiciera cualquier movimiento que consideraran peligroso contra ellos. “Voy a sacar mi cartera,” dijo. Despacio sacó una cartera famélica como su dueño. Fue fácil buscar su tarjeta de identificación de California en una de las bolsitas solitarias. Se la entregó al policía chicano. Este miró la foto, miró al muchacho, miró la foto, luego al muchacho otra vez. "Ahorita te lo doy patrás." El policía se retiró y se metió a la patrulla. El joven se quedó musitando para si mismo: Dale gas, ése. Vas a ver que no tengo ningún delito pendiente: ni orden de arresto, ni tíquete. Nada, güey.
Mientras el policía chicano investigaba el récord del mexicano en la computadora de la patrulla, los otros dos chotas se la pasaron cuchicheando entre ellos. Un par de veces sintió el joven que lo miraron como midiéndolo con la vista y luego volvieron a su cuchicheo. De las dos patrullas salían voces entrecortadas y chisporroteadas que no tenían ningún sentido para el mexicano. Sólo el policía canino no se inmutaba, no perdía de vista al muchacho que seguía parado, quietecito, petrificado, como si el animal lo hubiera encantado.
El policía chicano regresó después de unos minutos. "There’s nothing on him." "Nothing?" "He’s clean," les aseguró. Los policías gringos se miraron un poco sorprendidos, pero también decepcionados, especialmente el amigo de Rintintín.
Por la reacción de los oficiales, el muchacho entendió muy bien que no habían hallado nada en su contra. Sintió un gran regocijo interno sin dar seña alguna de ello. Su rostro era piedra esculpida que emanaba una magnífica dignidad. Pinches chotas, dijo para sus adentros. Estaban preparando su fiestita, cabrones, pero se les canceló el mitote. Por segunda vez se sintió como si hubiera salido ileso de una gran batalla. Casi ni la podía creer. Otra vez se había salvado: primero, se les había escapado a los cholos y ahora se había librado de los otros pandilleros, los policías.
El chicano le devolvió la tarjeta de identificación. "¿Sabes por qué venimos?" "No." "Este muchacho aquí dice que tú miras sospechoso. Él pensaba que tú quieres robar la tienda." "¡Me lleva la chingada!" El mexicano medio sonrió meneando la cabeza para enfatizar su incredulidad. "Así que él piensa que yo lo quiero asaltar." "Sí." "Para qué diablos lo voy a asaltar si yo tengo más dinero que él," dijo el muchacho con un tono sarcástico. Luego explicó: "Mira, yo vine aquí hace como unos quince minutos porque quería comprar algo para cambiar un billete de a veinte que traigo para llamar un taxi. Esa es la neta. El cuate éste me dijo que no tenía cambio en la caja y después me echó de la tienda dizque por las reglas o qué sé yo. Luego llegaron ustedes." "¿Dónde vives?" "En la Colonia." "Enséñame el dinero." "Oquey. ¿Puedo meter la mano en mi bolsa?" El chicano asintió con la cabeza. Sacó el maldito billete y se lo demostró al chota. "Espera aquí."
El policía entró a la tienda y habló un rato con el dependiente. El muchacho creía que el chicano estaba regañando al gringo, que le estaba reprochando por ser un pendejo y un tarugo, y exigiéndole que saliera a pedirle disculpas. Pero se desilusionó al mirar que los dos sonreían mientras charlaban como si fueran viejos amigos. Estos güeyes ya me están botaneando, pensó. Pinche bola de gringos cabrones. Cuando terminó la plática con el dependiente, el policía chicano se fue a hablar con sus dos colegas. Después de unos minutos regresó. "Nosotros llamamos un taxi por ti. Viene en unos minutos." "Está bien," le dijo el joven.
Los chotas se subieron a sus patrullas y sin más ni menos lo dejaron de nuevo parado ahí, solo en el estacionamiento.
En lo que demoró en llegar el taxi, el muchacho se entretuvo intentando de atraer la atención del dependiente a través de la infranqueable pared de cristal. Quería decirle, aunque fuera a señas: Mírame, yo estoy aquí, yo sigo aquí, mal que te guste, cabrón. Pero el gringo hacía todo lo posible por no mirar hacia fuera. Se pasó todo el rato acomodando botellas y cajas, fingiendo que el otro ni siquiera existía.
Todo este desmadre por un pinche billete de veinte dólares, pensó el mexicano. Esto sí que es el colmo. Para este pinche gringo vale más un maldito papel que mi vida. Soy una mierda. Un don nadie para esta gente. Le llegaron inmensas ganas de echarle al gringo un rosario de maldiciones, de rayarle la madre y multiplicárselo por mil. No lo hizo. Alzó el rostro como para respirar mejor el aire fresco de la brisa del mar. Una leve sensación de júbilo le surgió por todo el cuerpo. Sonrió satisfecho, con dignidad, y dijo en voz alta: Estoy aquí.
El taxi entró al estacionamiento a paso de tortuga.
"¿Tú eres el que ocupa un taxi?" El joven se acercó a la ventana y preguntó: "¿Traes cambio para un billete de veinte dólares? "Sí," respondió el taxista, "Súbete." El muchacho se acomodó en el asiento trasero y le dijo al taxista que iba a la Colonia.
Salieron del estacionamiento y empezaron a subir por la Calle Saviers. A través de la ventana percibió un conjunto de casas y edificios distorsionados por la luz mustia y el aire triste de las primeras horas de la madrugada. Después de la Avenida Channel Island ningún semáforo los demoró hasta que llegaron a Cinco Puntas. Mientras esperaban la luz verde, el taxista rompió el silencio torpe que suele acompañar los viajes efímeros en taxi. "A la Colonia," musitó como si pensara en voz alta. "Así es," le dijo el joven. "¿Más o menos cuánto me va a costar?" "Como ocho dólares."
El taxi cruzó Cinco Puntas y empezó a subir por la Oxnard Bulevar. Una retahíla de restaurantes y bares desfilaron catatónicos por ambos lados: Superantojitos y El Salón México a la derecha; El Pollo Norteño, el Tapatío, el Santana's, el Cielito Lindo y el Dorado a la izquierda.
El taxista miró al joven en el espejo retrovisor: "Déjame decirte qué te pasó a ti." "A ver, dime."
"Esta noche te la pasaste de copas con algunos amigos. Se emborracharon. Iban para la casa. Algún policía los detuvo por cualquier razón. Tu amigo que iba manejando estaba borracho y lo arrestaron. Luego remolcaron el carro y a ti te dejaron a pie en la calle, abandonado." Sus ojos se encontraron en el espejo y el taxista agregó, "Eso le pasa mucho a la gente de la Colonia, ¿sabes? Varias veces por semana hago estos viajes a ese lado de la ciudad a llevar personas que la policía deja a pie."
El muchacho miró en el espejo cómo los ojos del taxista brillaban con la luz de la calle, seguros de poder ver el pasado ajeno o por lo menos el de los mexicanos de La Colonia. Bajó el cristal de la ventana un poco para dejar entrar el sueño, que se anidara en todo su cuerpo. Eso es bueno, pensó. El sueño era su única esperanza: lo sacaría de esa noche larga y sinuosa, ese laberinto sin sentido.
"No, eso no pasó," dijo el muchacho en una voz baja que se confundió con el ronroneo de la máquina del taxi. Volvió los ojos hacia fuera. Contempló como la ciudad se cubría de tonos extraños, unas sombras trasnochadas que se desleían poco a poco en la luz gris de la mañana. Era el momento preciso en que la noche devenía día con una perfección divina, sin revelar las costuras de su conjugación. En el piélago de penumbras que ondulaba por toda la ciudad, el muchacho pensó haber descifrado algo que lo justificaba. Envalentonado, volvió la vista hacia el espejo retrovisor y se encontró con los ojos de vidrio del chofer. "No, eso no pasó" le dijo una vez más al taxista, con el brío de alguien que estaba seguro de sí mismo. "Lo que pasó fue que . . . ." ¿Dónde estaría Toni la Tecata? Miró el reloj otra vez, pero no pudo percibir las manecillas. Ya el tiempo no importaba. Se recargó en el asiento blando del coche, pero esta vez no se escondió, permaneció a la vista de toda la gente que empezaba a transitar a esa hora por la Oxnard Bulevar. Luego cerró los ojos y se perdió en la ambigüedad de la madrugada. 

GLOSARIO:
Agüitarse- (slang) To become sad or depressed.
Bachicha- (Mex. slang) Cigarette butt.
Basquear- To throw up, to vomit.
Bieras visto- hubieras visto.
Me están botaneando- (slang) They’re making fun of me.
Chingao- (slang) (chingado) damn, shit, fuck.
Cora- (Spanglish) a quarter.
Daime- (Spanglish) a dime.
Frigüey- (Spanglish) Freeway
No la quería regar- I didn’t want to mess up; I didn’t want to make things worse.
Pamba- (Mex. slang) beating, thrashing
Pericazo- (slang) a sniff or hit of cocaine.
Paisa- (Mex. slang) short for paisano, a person from Mexico.
Polvearse la nariz- to powder one’s nose, as with cocaine.
Prángana- Without a cent; moneyless.
Tecato (a)- Junkie; a person who uses drugs,  shoots up dope.
Varos- (slang) pesos, dollars, etc.


Álvaro Ramírez, nativo de Michoacán, hoy radica en los Estados Unidos donde es catedrático de literatura en Saint Mary’s College, Moraga, California. Se especializa en literatura contemporánea de Latinoamérica, Siglo de Oro Español y estudios culturales, cuyo enfoque es la cultura méxico-americana. Director de un programa de estudios en el extranjero para Saint Mary’s con sede en Cuernavaca, Morelos, ha llevado una vida binacional que le ha permitido apreciar de primera mano los efectos de la globalización en México y los cambios culturales que se han dado en Estados Unidos a través de la masiva migración mexicana de los últimos 30 años. Además, ha contribuido a esta revista un ensayo sobre el bilingüismo.


Álvaro Ramírez, a native of Michoacán, México, has a doctorate in Spanish Golden Age and 20th Century Latin American Literature from the University of Southern California. Since 1993, he has taught at Saint Mary’s College of California in the Department of Modern Languages teaching courses in these fields as well as Mexican and Latino Cultural Studies. Alvaro has published other fiction pieces and articles on Don Quixote, Mexican culture and film, and Chicano studies in several academic journals. He is currently working on a book on Mexican culture.

To preserve our words is to free our people

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Student, faculty and staff protest at UT Austin in 1974
Photo by Alan Pogue
Based on an address May 18, 2013 by Professor Emilio Zamora as part of a symposium at the University of Texas at Austin highlighting the importance of the Mexican American Library Program (MALP) in collecting, preserving, and making available archival knowledge over four decades.

The MALP began with the formation of the Mexican American Graduate Association (MAGA) in 1972. Approximately ten Mexican American graduate students, mostly from the College of Liberal Arts formed MAGA and joined with the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) and community organizations to support the Center for Mexican American Studies (CMAS), established in 1971.
Dr. Américo Paredes, a Professor of English and the single most important figure in the development of CMAS and the cause for rights on campus, assumed the position of Director of the center, while José Limón, a graduate student in English, became the center’s Associate Director and administered it on a day-to-day basis.[i]
The community that coalesced around CMAS expressed concern that the university had not established the necessary institutional support to increase the presence of Mexicans at all levels of university life and to advance the study of the Mexican community. The establishment of CMAS was a step in the right direction. It became the focal point of evolving ideas, responsibilities, and opportunities in Mexican American studies. Its academic program, for instance, offered undergraduates formal learning environments and academic specializations, as well as opportunities for graduate students to teach research-based courses.
The center also sponsored public lectures, symposia, and forums, some of which included persons and organizations associated with the Texas Farmworkers’ Union, the United Farmworkers’ Organizing Committee, the Raza Unida Party, and the State Legislature. Despite this energized atmosphere, many of us believed that the establishment of the center remained an insufficient gesture until the university increased the presence of Mexican faculty and graduate students and provided the necessary bibliographic and archival basis for developing the kind of scholarship expected from a major research institution like the University of Texas.
Some faculty members specialized in Mexican American studies, but they were few. Also, with the exception of Paredes in English, Santos Reyes and Rodolfo Arévalo in Social Work, George I. Sánchez in Education, and Manuel Ramírez in Psychology, there were no others on campus. Mexican American graduate students were also under-represented with most of us concentrated in Liberal Arts and Education. Our small numbers, however, did not prevent us from building the personal and political relationships that were critical to the formation of MAGA and its support of CMAS.
The center was involved in early efforts by the university to recruit Mexican faculty and graduate students. Paredes and Limón, for instance, negotiated the first faculty-hiring initiative that assigned faculty positionsin targeted departments with CMAS paying for fifty percent of the faculty’s salary for three years at the end of which time the university would assume the Center’s allotment. Paredes and Limón also contributed to the establishment of a Ph.D.-granting inter-disciplinary program in Mexican American Studies in 1971 that eventually graduated three students until it was discontinued six years later.[ii]
Support from MAGA contributed to the center’s early development. For instance, we formed faculty recruitment committees of between two and four members to visit the History, Sociology, and Political Science departments and urged them to work with CMAS in recruiting Mexican faculty and graduate students. We communicated the concern that departments lacked trained and experienced faculty to guide our theses and dissertations on Mexican topics. MAGA influenced the subsequent hiring of faculty members in Political Science and Sociology and an invitation to a visiting postdoctoral fellow in History. The History Department collaborated with CMAS in bringing the well-known Juan Gómez-Quiñones to campus.[iii]
Andrés Tijerina, Angie Quiroz, and I formed yet another committee. The archives committee mostly emerged out of our experiences as graduate students in a university that had never designated Mexican American studies a focus in archival or bibliographic collection. Moreover, undergraduate students enrolled in our CMAS courses were reporting that they could not find assigned readings in the library. We began to address the problem by preparing a proposal for an archival collection. Angie documented the lack of periodical holdings related to Mexican American studies. Andrés showed that the university had more materials on migrating birds than on migratory workers. I provided a count of approximately 300 Spanish-language newspapers (with names, type of circulation, and years of operation) that appeared in Texas between 1890 and 1930 and noted the incomplete runs of these same newspapers in archival collections in the university.
MAGA presented the proposal to Provost Stanley Ross in a meeting that included Mexican faculty and graduate and undergraduate students. We addressed the need for continued CMAS support and additional faculty and graduate students, as well as the establishment of an archival collection. Ross, a university official known for his cautious manner, quickly lent his support.
The University Library endorsed the proposal and President Spurr followed by announcing that the university was establishing the MALP. This occurred in September 1974, days before he was removed by the Board of Regents, reportedly for seeking to recruit minority students and the mismanagement of the Special Library Collections.[iv]
Laura Gutiérrez de Witt, the Assistant to the Head Librarian of the Latin American Collection, assumed the responsibility for administering the MALP until 1975 when Angie Quiroz replaced her. Angie was followed by Roberto Urzúa, Elvira Chavarría, Gilda Baeza, Margo Gutiérrez, and Pamela Mann. Martha Cotera also worked as a consultant for at least thirty years, assisting in locating archives and arranging for their transfer to the MALP.
I now turn to the difficulties that we faced so that readers may appreciate them, including the hostile environment that often discouraged us and the attendant stress and trauma that thinned our ranks. Some of our more recent graduate students are facing similar experiences but they cannot fully understand our own by only studying the past through secondary works. We can help bridge the distance of time with reliable accounts of our lived experiences. My intent, then, is to go beyond a recounting of accomplishments and to address the difficulties as measures of the cost of building an emancipatory project.
The demands of our research agenda often exceeded what graduate students in other areas of historical study faced. They typically selected topics for their theses and dissertations with an ample supply of secondary publications and a good number of reference works and archival materials. The secondary historical literature on Mexican American history did provide us some guidance. Works by Manuel Gamio, Paul S. Taylor, Teodoro Torres, Carey McWilliams, Américo Paredes, Emilia W. Schunior Ramirez, and Emma Tenayuca, for instance, demonstrated the rich possibilities for a successful Mexican Americanist career. As important as these authors were, however, they had not yet built a substantial body of literature to present a formidable challenge to the canon in areas like Texas history.
Established authors such as Ruth Allen, Walter Prescott Webb, Rupert N. Richardson, and Seth Shepard McKay, for instance, continued to go largely unchallenged in their misrepresentation and even dismissal of Mexican contributions to U.S. history. Our challenge, then, was to expand on the early work on Mexicans and revise the established works in U.S. history by re-examining existing government and non-government archives and collecting Mexican archival records and oral narratives.
Our non-academic work also involved helping to build CMAS and maintaining student organizations such as MAGA and MAYO. We also nurtured relationships with community organizations that consumed our time but strengthened our moral and social power to persevere. The off-campus organizations included the Mexican American Business and Professional Women of Austin, the Texas Farmworkers Union, the United Farmworkers Organizing Committee, and the Raza Unida Party.
Participating in meetings, organizing events, maintaining reciprocal relations among organizations, and engaging discussions and debates required significant time and effort. Based on our relations with other campuses and more recent conversations that harken back to those times, we know that our academic and non-academic work mirrored similar activities in other places. We also draw on our experiences and remembrances to gauge the gravity of the reaction, including the questioning of our motives, the challenges against our budding research careers, and the acts of rudeness and provocation.
No one faced more pressures and obstacles at the University of Texas than Roberto Villarreal, a fellow graduate student in history from Riviera, Texas. Roberto allowed me to share parts of his story—an account that reflects our collective experience even as it underscores the severity of his experiences. Roberto had received a Master’s degree in Physics in the late 1960s and had worked at NASA in various projects including the development of the landing gear for the moon landing in 1969 and the early planning of the Mars mission. He decided to pursue his love of history and enrolled at Texas A&I University (Kingsville, Texas) in 1970. Roberto began his doctoral work in the Spring of 1972.[v]
On one occasion, a history professor tried to discourage Roberto and me from studying Mexican American history because he thought that our colleagues would doubt that we could speak “objectively,” meaning that we were incapable of observing the conventional standards in history. During our first class meeting, the professor entered into a long and emotional tirade on the problem of studying Mexicans while being Mexican. Roberto and I were taken aback and mostly allowed the professor to continue unchallenged. After the meeting, Roberto asked that I allow him to confront the professor at our next class meeting. A week later, Roberto asked the professor to continue with his observations on objectivity. He complied.
Roberto allowed him to continue for a few minutes and then pointed to a stack of basic books that he had brought to class. He reminded the professor that the titles had appeared in the course syllabus as the leading studies in major fields of U.S. history. He added that all of the authors stated or suggested in their introductions and prefaces that they approached their work with the premise that the established interpretations were mistaken or misleading. Roberto ended his presentation by asking if the professor expected us to be less than the leading authors because we were Mexican. He promptly apologized, wished us the best, and never again talked about how we were inherently unable to be good historians, although he later led an effort to remove Roberto from the graduate program.
Roberto faced another discouraging professor in a readings course on U.S. history. The professor distributed weekly lists of books on basic themes in U.S. history and the students were to select one, prepare a report, and participate in class discussion. The last theme in the semester was Mexican American history. The professor initiated the discussion as he usually did, with an opening statement. This time he stated that “Mexicans became a cleaner people while in military service during WWII, they have been building more indoor toilets since then.” Roberto responded that this was stupid, illogical, and wrong, and added that he would demonstrate the inappropriateness of the observation by stating it in different terms, that is, “Mexican people are cleaner than Whites because Mexican women clean their own homes and then they clean the homes of Whites.” Although Roberto had earned A’s in his ten previous book reports, the professor assigned him a B. When Roberto asked for an explanation, the professor stated that he had not been “effective” in class discussions.
Soon thereafter, in the Spring of 1974, Roberto, myself, Gómez-Quiñones, and Devra Weber (one of Juan’s students from UCLA) presented papers in the first two panels on Mexican American history ever organized at a Western History Association conference. Roberto’s presentation was controversial. He reviewed labor organizing among Mexican Americans between 1940 and 1960 and challenged the view that their association with Whites during the war made them cleaner or had awakened them, as the historian Manuel Servín had suggested in his recent book entitled The Awakened Minority. Servín and at least five members of the history faculty from the University of Texas were present.[vi]
One week after the history meeting, a faculty committee informed Roberto that the department was considering withdrawing him from the graduate program because he was not serious about graduate work. Roberto recalls that a friendly professor reported that a faculty member accused Roberto of being under the influence of Gómez-Quiñones, “a radical Mexican American historian,” and that he was more interested in “extracurricular activities” than in his graduate studies. When Roberto went before the committee asking for an explanation, a committee member pointed out that he had been a Raza Unida Party candidate for state office and that he had been campaigning in his South Texas district. When Roberto noted that he had finished his course-work, earned mostly A’s, was in good standing with the Graduate Office, and was preparing for his comprehensive examination, they agreed to allow him to continue, but they warned him to be more serious about his work.
Roberto withdrew from the university believing that in the prevailing academic culture, such a warning meant that the department would eventually find cause to remove him. His decision was a loss to Mexican American history, but he made a logical decision based on the undue hostility that he faced. At any rate, he lived his life well. Roberto raised three bright and beautiful daughters and pursued a successful career as an educational consultant, film-maker, librarian, political activist, and writer. He has authored eleven self-published books, produced a feature-length movie with his daughter Alicia, established a library on Mexican American history in Riviera, and currently serves as the Chair of the Democratic Party in Kleberg County. Roberto recently began writing a new book entitled “The Education of a Mexican American” that will include a fuller account of his time at the University of Texas.

Conclusion

We can cope with the memory of our difficulties by thinking about Hemann Sweatt and his trying legal challenge against the exclusion of Blacks at the University of Texas’ law school. Like him, we stood in the teeth of power of the State of Texas and the university with the sure knowledge that we were on the right side of history. It also helps to know that the MALP continues to advance our archival knowledge through the significant publication record that it has helped to produce, its collaborative relationship with the numerous other university archives that have emerged since the 1970s, and the community-wide recovery efforts that it has helped to generate.
Our original purpose also continues. We are still identifying, preserving and making available the papers and publications of individuals and organizations who took to the public square to speak on behalf of Mexicans as an aggrieved minority and working class group.
As with other archives, mediating influences such as budgetary considerations, reconfigured areas of collection, the collection practices of related archives, and the availability of archival materials means that MALP will continue to provide us one part of the provisional understandings of the Mexican American and now the Latino/a voice. The MALP, however, continues to reflect the purpose of the founding graduate students who sought to establish a memory site for advancing our understanding of history.
Graduate students cannot assume the entire credit for the MALP. We should also recognize CMAS and the University of Texas Libraries and community organizations like the Mexican American Business and Professional Women of Austin. Martha Cotera, the Chair of the organization and its Mexican American Studies Steering committee, deserves special note. She delivered significant community support to the CMAS and the MALP and most probably influenced President Spurr to fund the MALP with her demanding correspondence.
We must also credit the Student Government and MAYO for demanding improved minority representation at the university. We would be remiss if we did not express our appreciation to President Spurr, who authorized the MALP at the same time that he made his embattled plea to the university community, “The University will take affirmative steps within the faculty, staff, and student body to encourage the full representation of all the economic, cultural, and ethnic groups in our society.[vii]
We must also acknowledge the untiring labor of the MALP staff during the last thirty-nine years, especially their close working relationship with the Latin American Collection that helped both become premier archival sites in the United States. We also pay special tribute to the families and organizations that safeguarded the historical records and entrusted them to the MALP. Finally, we are grateful to dedicated and able researchers for helping us better understand the Mexican American community on its own terms.
Finally, we celebrate the increased attention that Mexican American history has received and acknowledge that the university’s investment validates not only the struggles of the early 1970s, but the Latino community’s rightful place in the history of the nation. The students and everyone else involved in establishing the MALP were responding to segregation and exclusion, but we also acted with a faith in something not yet fully seen, an emancipatory outlook that the historian Emma Perez calls a de-colonial imaginary, a set of defensive, opposition, and visionary ideas meant to change the course of Mexican American history.[viii]We drew confidence from community support and the democratic values of fairness and justice, from an imaginary that is now manifest in the wonderful evolution of our archival voice at the University of Texas.

Emilio Zamora is a Professor in the Department of History and Fellow, Barbara White Centennial Professorship in Texas History, at the University of Texas at Austin. This 1974 photo shows UT students, faculty and staff rallying in support of six undergraduate Chicano and White students who took over the UT President’s office.  They were protesting the university’s failure to recruit more Chicano students and faculty and its slow support of Mexican American studies on campus. If you can zoom in, find the circle near the center of the photo: that’s Emilio, wearing a white shirt and arms crossed arms, recording history in his mind’s eye.



Notes

[i]. My account of the history of the MALP, CMAS, and MAGA are mostly drawn from personal notes and my memory, as well as numerous conversations with Limón, Tijerina and Villarreal. The MALP is housed in the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. Although its emphasis is on Mexican Americans, the collection also includes materials on other U.S. Latino groups. Along with the Benson Collection, it claims approximately 20,000 books and journals, 2,500 reels of microfilm, over 70 archival collections, and audio and videocassettes, posters, photographs, and slides.
[ii]. Graduates of the program included José Angel Gutiérrez, a full professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Texas at Arlington, and Emilio Zamora, a full professor in the Department of History at the University of Texas at Austin. I do not recall the name of a third graduate nor could the Office of Graduate Studies at the university identify her.
[iii]. The Political Science Department hired one of its graduates, Armando Gutiérrez, as an Assistant Professor and the Sociology Department brought Drs. Jorge Bustamante and Gilberto Cárdenas from Notre Dame University to assume positions as Assistant Professors. Professor Gómez-Quiñones came from UCLA with a Ford Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship.
[iv]. “The Firing of the President,” The Alcalde, November/December 1974, pp. 8-9.
[v]. My account of Roberto’s experiences makes use of a draft of his forthcoming autobiography, Villarreal, “The University of Texas,” Chapter VII, In The Education of a Chicano.
[vi]. Servín, The Mexican-Americans; An Awakening Minority (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1970); An Awakened Minority; The Mexican-Americans (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1974).
[vii]. “The Firing of the President,” pp. 8-9.
[viii]. Perez, The Decolonial Imaginary; Writing Chicanas into History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999).

“The blessed tilma of San Juan Diego…crashed to the floor”

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Extract from Desperado A Mile High Noir: author, Manuel Ramos

Prologue

The Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Mexico City, a combination of tourist destination and sacred church, did not use metal detectors or other screening devices. Guards did not search any of the thousands of daily visitors, and the administrators of the place admitted they had no organized system to prevent an attack. A few soldiers paraded around the grounds with guns, but they primarily snapped pictures at the request of visitors, using the tourists’ cameras. The light security contradicted the importance of the basilica's most valuable possession: the blessed tilma of San Juan Diego, the tattered maguey cloak with the Virgin’s image imprinted on it, miraculously preserved for more than 400 years, suspended behind an altar where it received believers' prayers and adoration.
When the thieves came, some of them dressed as priests. Others looked like tourists or office workers on break. They smuggled weapons under their coats and jackets. At a pre-arranged signal from one of the leaders, the men opened fire, indiscriminately, trying to panic the visitors. Hundreds of people rushed to the exits. In the midst of the chaos, an explosion ripped through the building. The moving walkway screeched to a stop. A trio of gunmen jumped over the walkway and, using ropes and grappling hooks, secured the frame that held the tilma, bolted high on the wall. They wrenched the frame from its anchors. Pilgrims and worshippers screamed in agony, desperation, and fear.
A priest rushed to stop the men. Several of the gang shot him repeatedly. He bled to death crawling toward the altar.
The tilma, frame, and glass crashed to the floor, missing by inches the men who hauled it down. The man who had signaled for the raid to begin picked shards of glass from the icon. With automatic weapons exploding around him and men and women screaming and crying, he cut the cloth from the broken frame with a long-handled knife.
He stuffed the cloth into a thick leather case. The gang ran out of the church to a waiting helicopter that sat on the vast plaza surrounding the basilica. The man with the tilma leaped into the helicopter. The other men ran furiously to the fence that surrounded the compound. A few fell, shot by the soldiers or the police who had finally arrived on the scene. Those who made it through the fence jumped into waiting vans that sped off and raced through the streets of Mexico City, headed in different directions.
One of the escape vans collided with a Volkswagen taxi. All of the men in the van and the taxi driver were killed when a rain of bullets from the pursuing police ignited a gas tank and both the van and VW erupted in flames. Meanwhile, the helicopter rose and disappeared into the smoggy Mexico City sky.
A day later the Archbishop of Mexico City received a demand for one hundred million dollars, the release of twenty-five members of the Rojos held in various Mexican prisons, and five more doing time in Texas jails. The neatly typed note warned that if the demands were not met, the cloak would be burned and the entire world could watch the venerated object go up in smoke, all played out on the Internet.

1

He looked as cool as ever. Clothes, hair, attitude. Same old Artie Baca – the hippest guy in high school and now coming across like a GQ cover boy, Chicano style. Sharp-creased slacks, form-fitting silk shirt. Reminded me of that song about werewolves in London. His hair was perfect. He had it working that day.
We sat on opposite sides of a metal card table on uncomfortable wooden chairs painted a disturbing bright red. I hadn’t dug out the floor fans from the storage room so the recent heat wave left Sylvia’s Superb Shoppe stuffy. Even Mr. Cool had a few drops of sweat on his upper lip. Mustiness surrounded us.
I transacted business at the table when the rare customer bought any of Sylvia’s second-hand junk, what she called antiques. I rang up sales on an ancient cash register, accepted cash or ran credit cards, handed out receipts and change, provided bags when necessary, and updated the inventory on a laptop. Highly-skilled, no?
The store had large windows through which I watched the traffic on Thirty-Second Avenue. They also magnified the outside heat or cold and were always in need of a good cleaning, as Sylvia reminded me almost every week.
“I need help, Gus.” Artie’s voice wasn’t what I remembered, not as deep. “I don’t know who else to ask. It’s not something I can talk about to just anyone.”
A thin smile and a subtle wink. Yeah, except for the voice this was the Artie Baca I remembered from my less than memorable high school years. I hadn’t seen him all that much since we graduated – I never made it to the tenth-year reunion – but here he sat, asking for something in that way he had that came off as though he were doing me a favor just by asking. He did that all through North High and got away with it. Almost everyone liked him, some even loved him. I was more in-between ignore and hate. He was a pal, though, don’t get me wrong. At least, that was what I told anyone who asked.
“What kind of help, Artie?”
“This stays between us.” The clipped words rushed from his mouth. “You can’t tell anyone, not Sylvia, no one. Okay?”
Why would I tell my ex anything? But I let it slide. He had my attention, for sure.
“Whatever, dude. Unless you’ve killed someone and you want me to get rid of the body, I won’t talk to anyone about what you say. No need to.”
The skin around his eyes twitched when I said “killed someone” and the healthy tanned hue of his face faded a bit.
“No. Nothing like that. It’s about a woman.”
That didn't surprise me. Artie copped more tail in high school than the entire football team put together. Girls acted like robots around him. He’d say “Good morning” and they'd drop their panties and bend over. Really, it was almost that bad. Of course, that meant he often hid from one girlfriend while he fooled around with another. Plus, he had more than his fair share of run-ins with angry fathers, brothers and cousins. I said almosteveryone liked him. He took the hassles in stride – called it “poon tax.” “I got punched out by Gloria’s brother – paid the poon tax,”he'd say, and then try to laugh. It never sounded like a laugh to me, more like a half-assed giggle through clenched teeth. He could be coarse like that, but we were high school kids.
“Aren’t you a little old for women problems, Artie? I thought you were married? What happened to that?”
“No, no. I'm married. Linda's a wonderful woman. I got a couple of kids almost in high school. I …” His voice trailed off. I filled in the blank spots.
“But one night, probably in a bar, you forgot all about your happy marriage and your kids almost in high school because the young woman flirting with you had beautiful eyes and a pair of chi chi’s like …”
“Okay, okay,” he said. “I screwed up. Bad. I admit it. You don’t know how sorry I am that I let it get out of hand. But this was the only time I did anything like that since I got married. I love Linda. I wouldn’t hurt her. I just screwed up. One time, and now it’s like I’m in hell. This girl is crazy.”
“You get her pregnant?”
“Not that, thank God. She wants money, but not for a kid. She’s trying to get what she can out of me. It’s classic. She said that for ten thousand I can have peace of mind for the piece of ass. That’s the way she put it. She’ll go to Linda if I don’t pay. She set me up. We were both kind of drunk, at least I was, and I let her, uh …” He couldn’t finish. He pulled out a pocket comb and ran it through his hair. A quiver of nostalgic regret ran through me. I could’ve been standing in the high school hallway next to my locker, waiting for Artie to set the agenda for the day.
“What happened?”
“I didn’t know what I was doing. We was just partyin’. I didn’t think …”
He caught his breath and turned away when I tried to look him in the eyes. He opened his expensive phone and tapped a few icons. He showed me the video. They were naked on a rumpled bed. A hard core sex scene that I didn’t want to see played out before me. I said, “A sex tape? Really?”
“This could end my marriage,” he said, the words dull and flat. “I have no choice. I'll pay her the money.”
I almost laughed out loud. The coolest guy in the world became the victim of the oldest con in the book. I stifled my laugh, sat up and tried to sound sincere.
“Wow, Artie. That’s crazy. You hear about this kind of stuff, but you never expect that it’ll happen to someone you know. A scam out of something like a detective movie, blackmail, who knows what else. What you gonna do?”
“That’s why I’m talking to you.”
I thought about all the options that he could be referencing. I started to feel uncomfortable with where the conversation with my old high school buddy was headed.
 “You want me to lend you money?” I calculated that this was the least disagreeable of the ideas he might have floating around in his head.
He gave me one of those as if looks and I felt insulted.
“No, no. I got the money,” he said.
At this point I started to re-think my relationship with Artie Baca. I sat upright and leaned forward. We did stupid things in high school and for a year or so after. Typical teen-age antisocial behavior and other messes not so typical. The kinds of things that might make him think I'd be up for taking care of a blackmailer. But that wasn’t me, never had been. I couldn’t be the muscle on a job if my life depended on it.
I should have had a better understanding of Artie, but I relied too much on memories and the secrets we shared, and, well, things went the way they went, all crazy and weird. After it played out, when the dust settled, as they say, I finally realized that I never caught on to his trip, and that turned out to be a big mistake for me, for Artie, for everyone involved. 

 “I want you to give the money to her,” he said. I eased back against the inflexible chair.

Manuel Ramos
Manuel Ramosis Director of Advocacy for Colorado Legal Services, the statewide legal aid program, and the author of eight published novels, five of which feature Denver lawyer Luis Móntez. For his professional and community service he has received the Colorado Bar Association's Jacob V. Schaetzel Award, the Colorado Hispanic Bar Association's Chris Miranda Award, and others. His fiction has garnered the Colorado Book Award, the Chicano/Latino Literary Award, and the Top Hand Award from the Colorado Authors League. 

To view a promo video for Desperado, highlight https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=iSCss2GVh4M
right click and press the Go to link.




“…let 11 million hardworking people come out of the shadows”

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Extract from Reframing the Latino Immigration Debate: Toward a Humanistic Paradigm, author Alvaro Huerta; photographs by Antonio Turok

We Need Humane Immigration Reform

The time has arrived for President Obama and Congress to take immediate action on comprehensive, humane immigration reform.
By immigration reform, I am not talking about militarizing our borders, empowering employers to behave as immigration enforcement officials and imposing fines and back taxes on aspiring citizens. Instead, I am talking about allowing labor to cross our borders as transnational capital does, preventing employers from exploiting immigrant laborers and lowering application costs for future citizens.
Too often, when Democratic and Republican leaders speak about comprehensive immigration reform, their message mainly centers on enforcement-dominated policies. For instance, while Obama spoke eloquently about immigrants in his second inaugural address, his administration has deported more immigrants than that of his predecessor, President Bush, during the same time period.
As the Obama administration continues to separate hardworking immigrants from their families and friends, I find it hard to believe the president when he says, "Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity."
I don't find the deportation of more than 1.6 million undocumented immigrants during Obama's first term in office as "welcoming."
Moreover, given that Republican leaders remain hostile and pay only lip service to Latinos and immigrants in this country, it's incumbent on Obama and Democratic leaders to invest the necessary political capital for the benefit of the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants in this country.
Instead of dehumanizing and blaming recent immigrants for America's financial woes like the GOP, Obama and Democratic leaders should demand that Latino immigrants be treated with dignity, respect and tolerance.
More specifically, Democratic leaders should educate and convince the public about the pivotal role undocumented immigrants play in America's social and economic prosperity, highlighting key characteristics like their willingness to sacrifice themselves for their families, a strong work ethic and an entrepreneurial bent.
In developing a humane immigration reform policy, both Democrats and Republicans should learn from past immigrant policies with progressive elements. This includes the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, where immigrants from Latin America, Asia and Africa benefited from family reunification components of the law. This also includes the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, where almost 3 million immigrants qualified for amnesty. Republican leaders should learn from their iconic figure, President Reagan, who signed this legislation into law.
Instead of doing what's right in both moral and economic terms by proposing another amnesty plan, a recent bipartisan group of senators, also known as the Senate "Gang of Eight," introduced a regressive, comprehensive immigration reform proposal. It includes a so-called pathway to citizenship for qualified undocumented immigrants.
But it mainly focuses on punitive measures, such as a “secured border” prerequisite before granting citizenship, imposing fines and back taxes, deputizing employers to become more effective immigration enforcement officials and creating an exploitable labor pool of guest workers, like the Bracero Program of the mid-20th century—a program that my father, Salomon Huerta Sr., participated in under inhumane working conditions.
In short, there's only one humane and simple plan for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants in this country: amnesty.
Let's get over the hostility to the term, and welcome the people who have been working in the shadows.
"El Bordo," Tijuana, Mexico


My Mexican Immigrant Parents Died Due to Lack of Health Care

The American government, in my opinion, contributed to the deaths of my parents by not providing universal health care.
In every other advanced industrial nation, they would have received quality health care as a right.
Here they did not.
My father, Salomon Chavez Huerta Sr., first came to this country as an agricultural worker from Mexico during the Bracero Program, and he and my mother, Carmen Mejia Huerta, settled in the United States legally, with work permits, in the late 1960s.
He later worked dead-end jobs in different factories while my mother labored as a domestic worker—cleaning the homes of countless middle-class Americans—for more than 40 years.
Neither of them accumulated enough wealth to afford a home of their own for my siblings and me, much less afford private health care.
My father died in 1996 after a prolonged battle with prostate cancer. My mother died earlier this year after a major stroke left her bedridden for many months.
If only my father and mother had access to government-supported health care before the symptoms of prostate cancer and heart problems reached a critical stage, they might have lived many years longer.
Most doctors will tell a patient, for example, that with regular checkups, proper diet, medications and exercise, severe medical conditions such as prostate cancer and heart complications can be treatable. But they couldn’t afford the regular checkups that could have extended their lives.
We need universal health care in this country or at the very least a public option that will cover the 47 million Americans without coverage today.
Isn’t it hypocritical that the conservatives in Congress who ferociously attack the public option themselves benefit from a public option? As taxpayers, we not only pay their salaries but we also provide them with a health care insurance plan they can access. And if they are seniors or veterans, they’re already covered by a public option that works well: Medicare or Veterans Affairs.
It makes no sense for President Obama and Democrats in Congress to reach a bipartisan agreement with a conservative party that is beholden to special interests—the existing private health care industry—and that is diametrically opposed to domestic government programs that benefit the public.
At the end of the day, any bill that excludes a public option would represent just another case of corporate power prevailing over the public interest, of Wall Street conquering Main Street.
Once again, the less fortunate would lose out to people of privilege, who could afford the skyrocketing costs of premiums, co-pays and deductibles.
It was just these costs that my parents couldn’t cover—and they paid with their lives.
Now, my 10-year-old son, Joaquin, has no paternal grandparents. He misses them. So does my wife, Antonia. And so do I.

Seeing How the Other Half Lives: the Working Poor and Immigrants

In times of financial turmoil and massive corporate bailouts, we shouldn’t forget one simple fact: The working poor in this country have historically been marginalized and blamed for their impoverished status. This has been especially true for racial minorities and immigrants in the nation’s ghettoes and barrios since as long as the 19thcentury.
Immigrants and the working poor are no strangers to housing instability, high job loss and unemployment, tight credit markets, lack of health coverage and other social and economic ills currently plaguing millions of Americans. Why is it that only when economic downturns hit the middle and upper classes that America finds itself in desperate need of trillion-dollar federal interventions?
Throughout its history, America has blamed the working poor and its most recent wave of immigrants for their low socio-economic status. If only they learned the virtues of the so-called Protestant work ethic, the logic goes, “those people” would succeed in America, the famed land of opportunity. If only “those immigrants” learned to speak proper English and adopt America’s cultural norms of individualism, hard work and self-motivation, goes the xenophobic argument, they would become productive members of society.
This is not to say that government intervention hasn’t addressed the needs of the working poor. FDR’s New Deal and Johnson’s Great Society programs provided the working poor with vital monetary aid and services in employment, healthcare and education. Despite the good intentions behind many liberal government programs and services, however, mainstream and conservative voices have stigmatized anti-poverty programs and services as handouts for “lazy, undeserving individuals” who represent, in economists’ terms, free riders.
Echo Park, Los Angeles
As someone who grew up in East L.A. housing projects on welfare, food stamps, free school meals and medical services, I’m all too familiar with the social stigma associated with these government benefits. Although most of my childhood friends in the Ramona Gardens housing project also received food stamps, using them at the local store typically made us feel like drug addicts buying heroine in a dark alley.
The stigma of being poor was another source of exasperation for many of us when we participated in a mandatory busing program to a majority-white school, Mt. Gleason Jr. High, in Sunland Tujunga in the late 1970s. Despite the obvious fact that we “dressed poor” and received free school meals compared to the mostly affluent white students, I never heard anyone from our barrio admit to being poor or on welfare. For us, this would have been tantamount to admitting to a heinous crime such as, say, waterboarding.
This stigma continued through my undergraduate years at UCLA in the mid-1980s. When filling out my financial aid application, for example, my household income consisted of a meager $8,000. This for a family of eight, not to mention the fact that welfare doesn’t technically count as income—it’s government aid after all. But I kept this simple fact a secret from my UCLA peers, who came mostly from stable, middle-class backgrounds.
In fact, it wasn’t until I studied U.S. history that I learned I had nothing to be ashamed of and that the working poor has contributed greatly to making America the most wealthy and powerful country in the world. Yet, in contrast to anti-poverty policies, government programs and services aimed at boosting the middle and upper classes, such as the G.I. Bill, mortgage-interest tax deductions for homeowners and the recent Bush administration tax cuts for the rich, have hardly received the same stigma and public scorn.
And while it’s true that many government intervention programs and subsidies, together with access to higher education, home ownership and tax breaks, have helped create a significant middle class, whites have been the main beneficiaries of these policies as they fled from inner cities to the suburbs.
In short, there seems to be a double standard in government interventions aimed at helping Americans. Whereas government aid to the working poor is pregnant with social stigmas and attacks by conservatives, aid that addresses the needs of the higher classes, including victims of financial fallouts, is perceived as perfectly normal.
While recessions impact all people, not all people suffer equally. For the majority of the working poor, a bad economy is one more crisis to deal with on a daily basis, while the upper classes get a taste of what it feels like to live at the bottom: insecurity, anxiety and a pervasive sense of gloom.
But if every crisis has a silver lining, my hope is that this time around, privileged Americans and government officials alike will have more compassion for the less fortunate instead of scapegoating them for the nation’s ills.


Amnesty for Immigrants(co-written with Antonia Montes)

Before the end of the year, presidents often consider grants of pardon and amnesty. This year, 2012, Pres. Obama should grant amnesty to the 11 million undocumented immigrants in America, excluding those guilty of heinous crimes like murder, rape, armed robbery and child abuse.
Undocumented immigrants work hard, make great sacrifices, save their earnings and rely primarily on themselves and their personal networks to survive in this country.
They take jobs commonly discarded by average Americans due to low pay and low social status.
From washing dishes to parking cars, from cleaning toilets to changing diapers (both for children and some elderly), from picking tomatoes to mowing lawns, immigrants toil daily in these so-called dirty jobs.
Yet, Republican leaders, conservative activists and right-wing talk-show hosts assail immigrants for allegedly taking American jobs and burdening our social welfare programs.
But undocumented immigrants don’t qualify for many state and federally funded safety-net programs, thanks to former President Bill Clinton’s welfare reform act of 1996 and other measures.
Also, while many undocumented immigrants incur payroll deductions and pay into the Social Security system, they aren’t able to receive economic or medical benefits once they reach retirement age, such as Social Security or Medicare.
Essentially, these hard-working individuals put more into the system than they receive or consume — the exact opposite of their “free rider” depiction that conservatives so often use.
Moreover, by working for low wages (and, often times, receiving below the federal minimum wage), immigrants generate labor cost savings for employers, who then sell their goods and services at lower prices to American consumers.
For instance, how much would a house salad cost at a local restaurant if employers hired non-immigrant laborers to pick, package, deliver, prepare and serve the lettuce and everything else that goes with it?
While it’s easy for Republicans and their supporters to blame Latino immigrants for America’s economic crises, it’s hard for them to live without this important workforce and the services that immigrants provide on a daily basis to American consumers. It’s almost impossible for the average American to go a day without experiencing the benefit of immigrant labor at the local dry cleaner, grocery market, restaurant, car wash, office building or hotel.
Instead of recognizing immigrants for their hard work by passing legislation that allows for these immigrants and their families to fix their legal status via amnesty, Republican leaders continue to balk at any just and humane reform that would offer a pathway to citizenship.
Given the obstinacy of the Republicans, Pres. Obama should take matters into his own hands and solve this problem once and for all.
He should issue a blanket amnesty to all undocumented immigrants who have not committed violent crimes.
It would be in keeping with this season of charity, and it would let 11 million hardworking people come out of the shadows.


Alvaro Huerta, son of Mexican immigrants from a small rancho in Michoacán, was raised in East Los Angeles’ Ramona Gardens housing project (better known as the Big Hazard projects). A Visiting Scholar at UCLA's Chicano Studies Research Center, he has published widely in such fields as urban planning, social network analysis, immigration, social movements, Chicana/o history, Latina/o politics and the informal economy. Completed in the fall of 2011, his dissertation focuses on Mexican immigrants and their social networks in Los Angeles' informal economy. 

Antonio Turok, born in Mexico City in 1955, is an internationally known documentary photographer who has worked in Central America, Mexico, and the United States for the past 35 years. Antonio has received several grants including the Maine Photographic Workshop Book Award, 1994 Mother Jones International Fund for Documentary Photography Award, and the U.S.A.-Mexico Fund for Culture Rockefeller/Bancomer Award. He has published two books, Imágenes de Nicaragua (Casa de Las Imágenes, 1988) and Chiapas: End of Silence (Aperture, 1998). He lives and teaches in Oaxaca, Mexico.

Reframing the Latino Immigration Debate: Toward a Humanistic Paradigm is available from San Diego University Press and the regular retail and online sources or just click on Alvaro's website: http://sites.google.com/site/alvarohuertasite/.

A Recipe for Sancocho: Add Words and Words

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By Marco Emiliano Navarro

Hemorrhage

My head bleeds clichés never-ending,
filled with negative nuances and
catchphrase conundrums as I search
to siphon silly images that do me no
good, taking my imagination for
court jester, a clown, a dunce,
for this heavy allotment of interjected
advertising and propaganda stuffs
an already crowded cranium

Crimson syrup spills from my ears,
drips from tear ducts, surfaces through
pores as would perspiration on a
humid summer evening, encasing me
in a mainstream media madness
as contagious as cholera, a cerebral
chlamydia gnawing my insatiable
hunger for revitalized expression and
scrumptious soliloquies seeking to
soothe a shaky soldier of words into
becoming a serene painter of panoramas,
yearning for a relief from the hype
for that is what is called for now, a reset
for reinvention, for refocus, over stages,
stages to wring wrong combinations
of overused phrases from thoughts,
stages to drown dozen-dimed dialogue,
stages to eliminate excess axioms

And so it bleeds, my head, offering
a cleansing, a renewal, a relief of impurities
natural or otherwise, impeding the flow
of wonderment having a reached a
tipping point within my creative core,
overloaded from the stressed opposition
of present day battling distant dreams and
desires, acting more as strangers instead
of kissing cousins

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Symptom
i have this thing
this thing i have
this condition, you see
is something i call
thinking too much
i think, i re-think,
i over-think, i think
some more.
and then i think about
what i think i thought,
asking others how i think
only to re-think what i
thought i think.
see, this thing
this condition i have
of thinking, rethinking,
overthinking
can get in the way of
living, just being present,
being in the moment.
i think i think about living
but i can easily think
too much about thinking,
and i wind up living less,
you know?
nevertheless, my
thoughts on thinking continue
and lead me to think,
but not so much,
yet despite thinking what
i think about how i think,
or thinking about what to
think about what i think,
you see, instead of thinking about
whatever i think i’ve thought,
i think now i’ll just do
i’ll just do.

Marco Emiliano Navarro, a  constant contributor to “Somos en escrito”, has just published a book of his poems, Alliterary Sancocho, of which he says, “Just as in a traditional sancocho (a tasty stew of varying ingredients), the poems in this book are for the reader's individual consumption. Let your eyes ingest and your mind digest these seasoned, hearty morsels of poetry. These poems showcase the commonalities we all share in our diversity and adversity.” Available from Full Court Press and the usual retail and online outlets.

"Quest for the life force in all things"

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Extracts from Queer in Aztlán – Chicano Male Recollections of Consciousness and Coming Out: with the introduction by the editors, Adelaida R. Del Castillo and Gibrán Güido and a memoir, Birth, by Gil Cuadros

Introduction : Queer Chicano Sexuality, Culture, and Consciousness

By Adelaida R. Del Castillo and Gibrán Güido

“At the end of 1987, AIDS totally devastated my life; my lover died suddenly, I was diagnosed with the fatal disease and all my 25-year-old aspirations were killed. Out of this hell I found two things: I wanted to write, and I was a survivor. My new life is built on this simple but strong foundation.”Gil Cuadros, Blood Whispers, Vol. 1

This book took us on a journey to things past we had not expected. Who knew? We followed an unfamiliar path and were dazzled by a new beauty, life-risking deeds, and piercing ways; a sexual sensibility unknown to many readers—a male one, queer and ethnic, of ancient intensity, direction south to the blue Region of Uncertainty.1 There … humming … lay the Land of Aztlán! Place of arrival and departure, origin and destination, of civil rights promise for a brown people whose ancestors in the Time of Myth traveled south, south of the southwest. For had not the ancients told of Anahuac as the “navel of the earth,” green site of equilibrium, portal of change and movement? So we too followed and descended far south as if on a shaman’s quest for the life force in all things—leveler of human hubris—that rocks, plants, animals, humans are! Just are. We arrived but found no beginnings or origins; somewhere there we came across the printed word on desire already in flux.

Why Queer?

How should we identify Chicano/Mexicano same-sex desire, identity, and culture? Chicana/o political awareness has taught us that terminology matters and that identity categories may communicate much about an aesthetic, awareness, and political consciousness. North of the US- Mexico border same-sex-identified Latinos are embracing terms such as jotería, joto, jota, and mariposa as well as “ poz” (for HIV/ AIDS positive status). The English-language terms “gay” and “queer”2  as in “gay Latino men” or “queer Latino men” are also used by jotería in the United States as monikers of identification.2
The author John Rechy, to whom the anthology is dedicated, does not easily welcome labels, sexual or otherwise. In the past, he preferred the term “ homosexual” for its stress on sexual orientation, but gives the impression he no longer uses it. He also doubts whether “queer” will ever be acceptable to him as descriptive of self, community, or theory; for a person of his generation the word is too closely connected with “hatred and violence.” There was also a time when he refused to use the term “gay” for what seemed sheer silliness, possible nineteenth-century association with actresses stigmatized as whores, or its application to cross-dressers.3 Presently, “gay” is the term he most frequently uses for male same-sex sexuality, possibly due to its popular use in the media of literary criticism.
Today gay is often used to refer to a sexual identity, lifestyle, and same-sex erotic preference whereas queer can be used as a theoretically charged concept critical of 1) modern fixed and essential notions of sexuality and identity, and 2) a tool for exposing white privilege, middle-class status, and heterosexuality as normalizing agents.4 In this way gay captures a lived experience and queer offers a theoretical tool for making sense of that experience. Queer can also be used as a verb as in “to queer” a reading, which may involve the interrogation of narrative and textual strategies that hide the crafting of what is represented as normal. Or “to queer” can mean to violate the limits of normativity by reassigning it queer values and aesthetics.5Some Latinos embrace the term “gay” but not “queer.” Others prefer “queer” for the radical and theoretical play it allows, and still others use the terms interchangeably. We prefer queer for its inclination toward the uncommon, open, political, and unpredictable possibilities.
But labels are troublesome, and David William Foster has warned us about imposing Eurocentric gay perspectives on Latin American same-sex cultural practices, beliefs, and values.6 His concerns may apply to queer Chicanos in the United States who seem to be embracing terms that resonate cultural aesthetics. Foster, for example, finds the use of foreign terms and sensibilities inapplicable to homoerotic relations in Latin America due to the latter’s great cultural, regional, and linguistic diversity as well as differences of class, ethnicity, and race. He is concerned that European and North American cultures of a predominantly white, middle-class, and male sort are influencing the gay heritage of Latin America and erasing its differences. Many queer Chicanos and Latin Americans7 find the label “ homosexual” offensive as do Mexicanos not only because of its past derogatory use but because it stresses the sexual act over affective relations.8 Foster also finds that Latin Americans associate the English word “gay” with a foreign ideology and Latin American middle-class privilege, economic status, and consumption of international influences. Undeniably, Latin America’s middle classes, through travel, have had greater exposure to international trends of same-sex European and North American sociopolitical and cultural influences. This appears to be the case for Mexico, especially for Mexico City where its same-sex liberation movement began in the early 1970s. Its activists prefer use of the term “gay,” fly rainbow flags originating in the United States, celebrate gay pride parades annually, and campaign for and have legalized same-sex marriage in the Federal District. The matter of identity is emergent for queer Latinos in the United States and the making of Jotería studies as an area of gay/queer Latino scholarship seems to be on the horizon, to which this anthology is a contribution.

1.     According to classic Aztec cosmology of the universe, color, aspect, symbol, and direction are used to represent place and metaphysical significance. See Alfredo López Austin, Cuerpo humano e ideología: Las concepciones de los antiguos nahuas, Tomo I (México, D.F.: UNAM, 1990).
2.     For a brief discussion of differences between “gay” and “queer” see David William Foster’s Introduction to El Ambiente Nuestro: Chicano/Latino Homoerotic Writing (Tempe, AZ: Bilingual Press/Editorial Bilingüe, 2006).
3.     Debra Castillo and John Rechy, “Interview: John Rechy,” Diacritics 25.1 (1995): 113–25, 114.
4.     Ibid. These notions also can be seen as constructed by specific compromised knowledges linked to regimes of power that help to sustain patriarchy and heteronormativity. Nonetheless, for a critique of queer theory see Michael Hames-García, “Queer Theory Revisited,” Gay Latino Studies: A Critical Reader, ed. Hames-García and Martínez (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2011) 19–45.
5.     For the use of “queer” as a verb and as a theoretical approach see Sandra K. Soto, Reading Chican@ Like a Queer: The De-Mastery of Desire (Austin: U of Texas P, 2010). It is also understood that “queer” applies to LGBTQ sensibilities.
6.     David William Foster, “Latin American Literature,” GLBTQ: An Encyclopedia of Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer Culture (2002) 9 Jan. 2013 http:// www.glbtq.com/literature/latin1_am_lit.html>
7.     Ibid.
8.     León Guillermo Gutiérrez, “Sesenta años del cuento mexicano de temática gay,” Anales de Literatura Hispanoamericana 41 (2012): 277–96.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Birth

By Gil Cuadros

I feel it well up inside of me. It grows with every pass of the sun, steals what little energy is left in my beleaguered body. The lesions that spread daily across my testicles and legs now cease to multiply. I sense the formation of an umbilical cord connecting me to another. I am nervous of what it will become and how it will decimate the remnants of my strength. I tell my lover I am carrying a child inside me, demonlike, it drags embryonic nails slowly down my internal organs. Marcus looks skeptical, eyes squint as if thinking, what next, commit me to a home, send me to a spiritual healer. He smolders sage and copal, washes me in their cleansing smoke. He strikes bells to startle me out of my stupefaction but realizes the presence inside me, glides his hand across my stomach, enjoys electricity. With a fit of anger he yells, “How selfish can you be? What if you die before the child is raised?” The neighbors bring sprigs of baby’s breath, castor-bean stems, and nail them to our door. The air smells rancid and cloying. I will name the creature Armisael. The growing fetus confines me on my balcony all hours reciting Psalms. I burn news articles one at a time on the hibachi: the volcanic eruption on modern Pompeii, a killer virus emerging from the rain forest, the increase of rabid coyotes filtering into the hillside communities, feasting on small children.
The strips of newsprint writhe in my hand as they approach the fire like Swedish fortune fish curling inside a palm’s heat. I see an indigo gleam radiating from my fingertips; it garners tear-shaped flames, encapsulating the ardor like the many pills I take. They float away into the atmosphere the way soap bubbles defy gravity, lyrical as Ptolemy’s music of spheres. Walking down the boulevards near my home, I expect the community to revere me, to step aside out of deference. Rather, lips snarl, hands move to strike, filthy looks, the kind I imagine Jesus encountered on his trek to Calvary. The women are the harshest, spitting before me, hacking their phlegm deeply and loudly from inside their corpulent bodies. They turn in disgust as if to deny my existence and my child’s potential. It is hard to ignore my aspect, my withered limbs seem to negate any fruitfulness. Still the jacaranda trees blanket the sidewalks with their purple flowers for me; the elms canopy the sun’s glare, limbs low enough to grab and even cradle me when I tire. Returning home, I must lie down. Nausea overwhelms me throughout the day. The only thing that helps is placing ice packs underneath my arms and on the back of my neck. My head swims with sounds: the buzz of EMF high-tension lines. Marcus hangs crystal prisms in the bedroom windows and lights cinnamon candles around our bed. He touches me too gently, nuzzling my side. He licks the well of my ear, says I taste bitter. He wants to gather me up tighter, his arm a vice around my waist. He is afraid he will hurt me, cause some deformation to the child. The child becomes apparent through translucent skin, jade eyes seem conscious, pierce the iridescence of the amniotic sac. My lover thinks he is a lowly Joseph, not important in the scheme of this miracle. I watch him stare off into the horizon, the sunset nearly blinding. In his hand a cigarette burns, smoke coils from his fingers. He worries what kind of parent would he be and sees all his flaws magnified, especially his lack of patience. I desire to comfort him, go down on my knees and press my face next to his crotch. Strongly, he pulls me up, tells me it’s a piece of immortality, a part of us will survive after we’re gone. I warn him not to become too attached, that there might be a chance the child will catch my disease and die early too. Marcus refuses to hear, says he can already see the changes in the world: the sky becoming gentian, the foliage smaragdine, the land ginger. From where I stand, I see darkness drain the landscape’s hue, leave somber details, an industrial fog, thick and noxious. In my dream, I place the child in a basket and float it down a mighty river. Marcus rages at heaven for what I have done, curses me till the day of his death. The child shall never know his real fathers, or have comfort with the toys we would have made, our faces appearing godlike over his crib. How can an infected man like me be worthy of this blessing? I do not know if the little one will appear launched from my head, or emerge from the muscles of my legs. But when the moment happens it will be as if a part of me dies. When I release him to the river I will surely crumble to the ground, crying out for Marcus, my body disintegrating into the stuff of protons, neutrons, quarks, shattering back into the dark matter of an unforgiving universe.

Adelaida R. Del Castillo is an associate professor in the Department of Chicana and Chicano Studies at San Diego State University, and from 2007 to 2010 Professor Del Castillo served as the first Chicana chair of the department. Her research interests include Chicana feminisms, the economic survival strategies of working-class women in Mexico City, rights discourse, and post-national notions of citizenship.

Gibrán Güido is a doctoral student in the Department of Literature at the University of California, San Diego. In 2010 he organized the 5th Annual Queer People of Color Conference at San Diego State University, and co-organized the National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies 3rd Jotería Conference. He is a recipient of the Richard P. Geyser Ethics Memorial Scholarship. 

Gil Cuadros (1962–1996), a Los Angeles writer and activist, participated in Terry Wolverton’s writing workshop for people with AIDS at the Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Center and was one of the first Chicanos to document a critical time in Los Angeles during the AIDS pandemic of the 1990s. Among other publications, a collection of his writing, City of God, was published in 1994 by City Lights Books.


Numbers Count: The More Latino Teachers and Students the Better

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Chicano kids circa 1979

By Anne-Marie Nuñez and Elizabeth Murakami-Ramalho

In 2010, Maria Hernandez Ferrier was inaugurated as the first president of the new Texas A&M University campus in San Antonio. To celebrate the inauguration of a Latina college president, one of the few in the nation, a group of Latinas, including many local professors, took part in the formal procession. This group of women received special recognition, both during the ceremony and in the media. The city’s main newspaper, the San Antonio Express News, noted, “About 60 local Latina women who hold doctorates attended the ceremony in full academic regalia to support Ferrier and to show their numbers in the academic community.”
Latina faculty are rarely visible in this way. Only 4 percent of tenured or tenure-track female faculty members in the United States are Latina (78 percent are white, 7 percent are African American, and 7 percent are Asian American), and only 3 percent of female full professors are Latina. The gathering of Latina faculty at Ferrier’s inauguration illustrated the potential for a critical mass of Latinas to come together in one place to support one another in the academy.
Dressed in full academic regalia, they represented the possibility of access to privileged positions in the professoriate. Indeed, some wide-eyed passersby who saw them lining up in the procession asked, “So, are you all really professors?” They were proof that Latinas, and Latinos more generally, can and do make it to the academy, despite their generally limited access to higher education opportunities, particularly baccalaureate and post baccalaureate degrees.

Demographic Transformation

Although Latino enrollment in higher education has increased as the US Latino population has grown (Latinos now outnumber African Americans), more often than not Latinos begin their college education in community colleges or less selective four-year institutions—institutional types with lower persistence and completion rates in general. Moreover, the broader political, economic, and social climate in the United States has become increasingly hostile for Latinos as new policies opposed to immigrant rights, affirmative action, and ethnic studies programs have emerged.
After the Arizona legislature passed a law (currently being challenged by the federal government) to broaden the capacity of state personnel to detain and request identification from any person perceived to be an illegal immigrant, several more states, including Alabama, launched initiatives to increase surveillance of immigrants and deny them public services, including K–12 and higher education. Affirmative action policies have been banned in some key states where Latinos are concentrated, leading to drops in application and enrollment rates at flagship and selective public universities.
Even when they are accepted to a university, Latinos are often denied opportunities to connect with their cultural backgrounds and to communicate in Spanish. Ethnic studies programs and courses, including Chicano studies, sometimes struggle for support and legitimacy. Arizona’s legislature has gone so far as to ban the teaching of ethnic studies in K–12 schools. This challenge to ethnic studies has been particularly targeted at Chicano studies, despite evidence that Latino students who participate in these programs actually have higher educational achievement than those who do not and high school graduation rates on par with those of their white counterparts.
Although educational research suggests that dual-language K–12 programs are effective in helping English learner (EL) students—defined as students who do not speak English well enough yet to be considered proficient—to learn languages and to improve in broader content areas such as math, these programs have been effectively prohibited in Arizona, California, and Massachusetts. Even when Latino EL students enter college, they often must enroll in remedial courses and struggle to achieve full literacy and academic success.
It is not surprising, then, that according to a recent Pew Hispanic Center survey, two-thirds of Latinos report that discrimination against Latinos in schools is a major social problem. Latinos mention schools more often than workplaces or other public places as sites of discrimination.
A Pew Research Center survey suggests that Americans from all racial and ethnic groups currently believe that Latinos are the group that experiences the most social discrimination. Unfortunately, much research has shown that, as it has for African Americans, such discrimination can negatively affect Latinos’ academic achievement, engagement, and sense of belonging in K–12 and higher education.
Although the number of Latino students in US higher education has increased in recent decades, and Latinos have now surpassed African Americans as the largest minority group in US higher education (currently constituting 22 percent of total enrollment), Latinos as a group still have the lowest educational attainment of any racial or ethnic group. According to Pew Hispanic Center data, only about 13 percent of Latinos age twenty-five and over hold college degrees (compared with 18 percent of African Americans, 31 percent of whites, and 50 percent of Asian Americans). Latinos consequently tend to work in low-skill occupations. Pew data show that only about half as many Latinos (19 percent) as whites (39 percent) are employed in management, science, engineering, law, education, entertainment, the arts, and health care.
This is sobering news, considering that by 2050, Latinos will represent the main source of population growth and are projected to make up 30 percent of the US population. Moreover, Latinos are overrepresented in the youth population: about 17 percent of Latinos, compared with 10 percent of non-Latino whites, are under the age of eighteen. In California and Texas, Latinos represent half of all public K–12 students.
Sociologist Marta Tienda contends that the increasing Latino youth population could offer this country a “demographic dividend,” contributing to future economic productivity as the overall US population ages. President Obama, sensitive to this issue, highlighted the importance of supporting Latinos when he authorized funding for the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanics in 2010: “This is not just a Latino problem, this is an American problem.”
Education scholars Patricia Gandara and Frances Contreras, in the title of their 2009 book, coined the term “Latino education crisis.” During the past two decades, they and other pioneering higher education researchers—including Estela Bensimon, Sylvia Hurtado, Amaury Nora, Michael Olivas, Laura Rendon, and Daniel Solorzano—have documented the many barriers to postsecondary educational attainment for Latinos: limited academic preparation, difficulty navigating the college environment, financial concerns, exclusionary college climates. Latino college students tend to come from high schools with few resources to prepare students for college.
Many are the first in their families to attend college, so they are sometimes unfamiliar with strategies for managing college responsibilities. Latino students also often are reluctant to take on loans, in part because of the financial and familial responsibilities they already have during college. They are more likely than other students to be employed and to work full time to finance their college education, so they may have less time to devote to their studies.
Vulnerability to stereotypes about Latinos, such as those that are increasingly depicted in the media, can have a negative effect on Latino students’ academic achievement in college as well as their college completion rates.

Improving the Campus Climate

Although Latinos constitute about one in six Americans and more than one-fifth of the undergraduate students enrolled in US higher education, they make up less than 5 percent of the professoriate. Latino college students tend to complete bachelor’s degrees at lower rates than members of other racial and ethnic groups, leading to lower rates of graduate degree enrollment, doctoral degree completion, and faculty employment. Latino faculty will continue to be largely invisible unless universities make concerted efforts to recruit and retain them. At least two decades of research on diversity in higher education indicate that increasing the presence of Latino faculty in higher education is critical to promoting Latino students’ educational attainment. Latino faculty understand the cultural backgrounds of Latino students and can serve as role models for them.
However, increasing the numbers of Latino faculty and students in the academy (as well as members of other historically underrepresented groups) is not enough to ensure their success or build a community. Intentional efforts must also be made to maximize the benefits of diversity. As Daryl Smith notes in her 2009 book Diversity’s Promise for Higher Education: Making It Work, efforts to build a diverse faculty often focus on the recruitment of faculty members from historically underrepresented groups but underemphasize the importance of retaining and promoting them.

The Dual Challenge for Latinas

The research of higher education scholar Caroline Turner and others explores the dual challenges of being women and being Latina in the academy. As Joya Misra, Jennifer Hickes Lundquist, Elissa Holmes, and Stephanie Agiomavritis documented in a recent Academearticle on service work, women often face institutionalized sexism and are expected to take on additional professional responsibilities, such as uncompensated university service, that impede their ability to advance from the junior to the senior faculty ranks. Because of their dual status as women and as members of an underrepresented group, Latinas are more likely to encounter racism, stereotyping, lack of mentoring, tokenism, uneven promotion, and inequitable salaries when entering the academy.
Research has documented the stereotypes that Latina faculty often encounter: some are told by colleagues that they are particularly articulate, or that they speak English well, implying that this is atypical, while others have described instances where students, other faculty members, or staff members have assumed that they are service workers or anything but professors.
These experiences send the message that Latinas do not belong in the academy. Moreover, although cross-gender and cross-race mentoring can be extremely beneficial, the dearth of senior Latina faculty means that junior faculty are less likely than others to find role models who can give them guidance about how to navigate these specific challenges.

Our Strategy for Supporting Latinas

When we began our first faculty positions in the College of Education and Human Development at the University of Texas at San Antonio, a Hispanic-serving institution whose enrollment is 45 percent Latino, we found that only seven out of fifty-seven, or just 12 percent, of the female professors in our school of education were tenured Latinas. Similarly, while just under one-quarter of undergraduates in Texas’s public institutions are Latino, only 6 percent of tenured faculty members at these same institutions come from Latino backgrounds. Our school’s figures exceed the 2.8 percent national figure for Latina tenured faculty representation among female professors, but it is nonetheless a remarkably low figure, considering the racial and ethnic makeup of our university and our city, the latter of which has a majority (63 percent) Latino population.
Since beginning our faculty positions, we have been part of a group of junior Latina faculty in the school of education called Research for the Education and Advancement of Latinos (REAL). Members of REAL, which was established in 2005, share research interests in broadening opportunities for Latinos at all stages of education. Members come from different disciplines and study topics ranging from early childhood education to higher education. We meet regularly to discuss our experiences and to share strategies for managing our careers and other responsibilities, including how to assemble promotion and tenure files and how to choose service commitments. We also talk about gender roles and balancing familial caretaking responsibilities.
Sometimes we simply meet over lunch to catch up on one another’s personal and professional lives. Other times, we travel to a formal retreat center, a rented house, or a group member’s house to spend a weekend writing and socializing. At a typical retreat, REAL faculty members will scatter around the space, each taking up a room or a corner with her laptop, working on manuscripts until the late afternoon. Retreat evenings are spent socializing.
In addition to this peer mentoring, we have several senior Latina faculty members who are the organization’s madrina (godmothers). They have helped clarify the requirements and expectations for promotion and tenure at our institution and have offered advice on how to handle our varied duties as faculty members.
As part of this effort, we now have subgroups that pursue common research agendas. The associated research and writing projects have resulted in the publication of peer-reviewed articles on a wide range of topics. For example, one pair in the group has edited a special issue of a journal that addresses P–20 (prekindergarten through graduate school) partnerships, bridging scholarship of two distinct sectors of education that typically are not coordinated. Another pair has advanced scholarship on how K–12 school leaders can target the needs of EL students through initiatives such as dual-language programs. These experiences have allowed us to work across disciplines and connect diverse bodies of scholarship.
We have also collected and analyzed data about our experiences in the group for journal articles and national conferences. Our articles address Latina faculty members’ experiences of belonging and marginalization in the academy, the development of a Chicana perspective on peer mentoring, pedagogical strategies in Hispanic-serving institutions, and other topics.
Our initiative offers a sense of community for Latina scholars. Moreover, several of us have received tenure while being part of this group; the majority of our group now consists of tenured faculty members who have navigated the tenure process together. All but one of our members have stayed at the institution, and the one who left eventually returned, saying she valued the supportive climate of our university and of REAL.
We have been asked many times about how we have built this supportive academic space. We would offer the following advice to faculty members interested in forming organizations like ours:
·       Find a group of like-minded individuals and meet in ways that do not require extensive time commitments (such as brown-bag lunches).
·       Identify lead organizers (having two or three individuals in this role may help distribute the efforts involved).
·       Determine common research goals.
·       Find an institutional home (for REAL, this was the university’s Women’s Studies Institute).
·       Investigate the possibility of internal grant funding (we secured a university grant to conduct our first retreat).
·       Find other creative ways to share or obtain resources to support the organization’s efforts (for example, we have sometimes shared our own homes as retreat spaces or have been given access to retreat spaces by senior faculty madrinas).
·       Get the “buy-in” of senior faculty and administrators.

A Collective Responsibility

In her 2011 keynote speech at the annual meeting of the American Association of Hispanics in Higher Education, Rachel Moran, dean of the School of Law at the University of California, Los Angeles, described overhearing an elementary school teacher say about her as a young Mexican American child, “Such a bright girl. Too bad there’s no future for her.”
Moran’s success indicates that the future for Latinos in the academy is bright if and when they are afforded the appropriate opportunities. Echoing many other leading scholars and advocates for the educational advancement of Latinos, In mobilizing this political will, Latino faculty cannot undertake the tasks of building more inclusive campus climates or promoting Latino postsecondary attainment alone. While we encourage Latino faculty and others from historically underrepresented groups to form support systems such as the one we have described, we recognize that Latinos at most other institutions do not have the significant presence they have at our university.
Efforts at recruiting Latino faculty and students must be coordinated with initiatives to involve college leadership. Because Latino faculty and administrators tend to be underrepresented in leadership roles, high-level administrators from all backgrounds must share the responsibility for creating institutional support systems for Latino faculty and students. As the work of Sylvia Hurtado, Daryl Smith, Caroline Turner, and others demonstrates, maximizing the benefits of a diverse faculty and student body must be a clearly articulated goal aligned with concrete strategies across different units. Institutional leaders can provide a variety of resources to support an active community of scholars of color. Developing and sustaining systems of senior faculty and peer mentoring can help make the promotion and tenure process, as well as the dynamics of institutional culture, more transparent for incoming junior faculty. In addition, as Sylvia Hurtado and Jessica Sharkness noted in their article in the September–October 2008 issue of Academe, implementing a reward system that recognizes faculty members’ service to the broader community can provide affirmation and incentives for this kind of work.
Several Hispanic-serving institutions, including our own, have been successful at graduating large numbers of Latino students, as well as large numbers of Latinos in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. Scholars from the University of Southern California’s Center for Urban Education and other institutions currently are conducting research to identify what productive Hispanic-serving institutions are doing to promote Latino education in the sciences. Faculty members and administrators in other institutions can learn from what these institutions are doing to promote degree completion, particularly in the STEM fields.
A senior Latino professor who has been with our institution for more than thirty years recently said to us, “I wish I was going to be around to see what happens as Latinos continue to grow in the population. I won’t be around to see it, but you will. You are lucky that you will be able to.”
While concerns about Latino educational access may not be of interest to everyone in this anti-immigrant climate, the positive economic implications of promoting Latino educational advancement are clear. The Latino educational crisis can be transformed into an opportunity to make an investment in the educational fate of Latinos, which is inextricably tied with the future of this country. The academy can play an important role in this effort.

Published originally under the title, The Demographic Dividend: Why the success of Latino faculty and students is critical, in the Bulletin of the AAUP, 98:1 (January-February 2012).

Anne-Marie Nuñezis assistant professor of higher education at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Her research explores the individual and institutional factors that affect college access and completion, particularly for students from Latino, first-generation, and migrant backgrounds. Her e-mail address is annemarie.nunez@utsa.edu.


Elizabeth Murakami-Ramalhois associate professor of educational leadership at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Her research agenda includes successful leadership for Latino populations and urban and international issues in educational leadership. Her e-mail address is elizabeth.murakami@utsa.edu.

300 and counting…

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Editorial


This writing marks the 300thitem to be published in this magazine, “Somos en escrito” (S.e.e.), covering three and one half years of publication. That total counts as one, the 21 chapters of Lipstick con Chorizo by Tommy Villalobos, which were serialized ala Carlos Dickens over several months.
The S.e.e. archive includes a wide range of provocative essays, new fiction and poetry, reviews, photographs, and extracts from varied book subjects showing the breadth and depth of Chicano and Latino literature as it is happening.
Perhaps some of the new material we’ve published and what is to come would not have found an avenue for publication elsewhere—one of the goals I have for S.e.e. is to provide an opportunity, a venue, an outlet for American writers of Hispanic background to publish and thus unveil new talent and new perspectives in writing.
U.S. Latino literature is still subject to the limitations and values imposed by the mass media and massive publishing houses. We don’t have enough of our own print publishers in an industry that is very hard to crack, let alone survive. One small editorial house, Aztlan Libre Press in San Antonio, for example, has printed a handful of remarkable books in the past 2-3 years.
S.e.e. has been made possible by the evolution of technology that enables formatting of such magazines and instantaneous publication—no waiting for an essay or poem to see the light of day. The development of on demand publishing and virtual publishing such as Kindle, Smashwords, Palibrio.com Press, Floricanto Press and many others have opened up the gates to writers who can’t or don’t want to wait for approval by some New York book review section or publishing magnate as to what is acceptable “Hispanic” writing.
That enables me as editor of a virtual magazine to make my own decisions about what to “print” and empowers aspiring writers to forgo the usual route to publication and dare to put their obras to the test in welcoming surroundings—it’s a unique and mutually empowering collaboration.
From the beginning, I set no boundaries as to what S.e.e. can publish, except for children’s literature which demands greater attention in the publishing world, but that’s another realm altogether. Prospective contributors should not feel compelled to write on a “Latino” theme, but certainly to write well on the topic they choose. Otherwise, our subject matter can comprehend the known world.
In seeking out literary pieces for publication, I pose certain critical questions of every item, ones which I believe writers should ask themselves: Is the topic of wide interest? Does the piece open up a new area of discussion or point of view? Is the writing literate and engaging, and his/her text error-free? With regard to mature content, dialogue or description, in a story or essay, does the author treat the material in a way appropriate to the context and intent of the writing as well as the overall values of the Latino community?  
Somos en escrito will continue to offer aspiring writers that much sought after chance to publish. The times, the technology, the need and the demand for literature we can call our own places S.e.e. in the unique position of enabling American writers who are products of an amazing social conglomerate we call the Latino community to express themselves in ways not possible before.
With this in mind, we can all look forward to the next 300 obras to be published here. As always, I repeat my sincere invitation to Latino writers, new and established, to venture along with Somos en escrito to build a community resource and ensure that Chicano and Latino writers have their chance to fulfill every writer’s dream, to see their obras in “print”.

Con un gran abrazo a todos,

Armando Rendón, Editor
Labor Day 2013

Latinos at the Golden Gate: A Living Legacy Bridging Generations

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Review by Rose Castillo Guilbault

The history of Latinos in the Southwest is filled with harrowing episodes of violence, treachery, and injustice. But the courage and strength of character Latinos had facing adversity is an inspirational lesson in self-determination that must never be forgotten.
Latinos at the Golden Gate goes a long way in filling part of a historical gap by documenting the rise of San Francisco's diverse community of Latin American immigrants from the Gold Rush through the civil rights era. It chronicles how Latinos forged a hybrid identity, latinidad, that allowed them to survive and become a major force in the city over the course of a century and a half. The author, Professor Tomas Summers Sandoval, describes his book as “a story detailing the social and political experiences of multiple generations of ethnic Latin Americans in San Francisco and their efforts to forge lives of dignity and meaning.”
Although the story begins with the Gold Rush, one significant piece of information detailed in the book happened before that momentous event. The book provides an explanation of how the trade networks with Latin American ports gave birth to the town's first pan-Latin American community—an important insight into understanding why San Francisco's Spanish-speaking community has had greater numbers of Latin Americans than Mexicans.
On January 28, 1848, gold was discovered in Coloma, California, only 9 days after the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ended the Mexican war and gave the United States possession of the state.The Gold Rush not only opened the floodgates to fortune hunters but ushered in an era of unprecedented hostility toward Mexican people living in the state, a xenophobia not just on Californios and newer arrivals from Mexico but other Latinos, such as Chilenos and Peruvians. Before the Gold Rush, even during Mexican rule, Californios and Anglo settlers co-existed in relative peace. But the Gold Rush brought in a large contingent of Anglos without experience in the Southwest and fresh animosity, in part, related to the recent war with Mexico.
Further, legislation was passed to question the validity of Spanish and Mexican land grants allowing squatters and Yankee homesteaders to grab lands many Californios could not afford to keep through lengthy court battles. Mexicans went from being wealthy land owners to workers who only had their own manual labor to sell.
Although, Californios and other Latino residents had been granted United States citizenship under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, they were often victims of violent attacks. Between 1848 and 1860—at least 163 Mexicans were hanged in California alone, I add this statistic not found in this book to underscore the dangers Latinos faced.
 One group of ex-New Yorkers who called themselves “the Hounds”, took particular pleasure in assaulting Chileans who settled in San Francisco after fleeing from the increasingly inhospitable Sierra. On the night of July 18,1849, the gang went on a rampage, sacking tents, abusing residents, looting goods and shooting at least one man in the part of town known as “little Chile”. What followed was an only in San Francisco reaction for those times. This excerpt describes the resulting action:
“The next day, in what the local press called “one of those whirlwinds of excitement,” residents mobilized to create a legal infrastructure and a posse of “citizen armed police,” leading to the subsequent arrests and trial. Less than two weeks later, eight of the ten men were convicted on various charges....The mass of residents who rose to defend the attacked Latin Americans embodied, in a word and deed, one pluralistic possibility. In his closing remarks, the prosecutor sought the sympathies of he jury while placing injured “Americans” side-by-side with the injured Latin Americans. He pleaded, “You have to give a verdict gentlemen in vindication of the welfare and safety of this community.” “...those actions positioned Latin Americans as part of the “community”.”
I was most engaged with the Gold Rush era because it is such an explosive part of California history. I was unaware of the role Latinos played. The book details numerous stories of men and women who showed incredible courage and strength. Including the brave miners of my home state of Sonora, Mexico who were at first admired for their mining abilities then forced out by jealous Anglo miners. One familiar historical character that is missing is San Francisco businesswoman, healer, landowner, Juana Briones. Before and after this era, she was so well respected and beloved, to this day, there is a plaque commemorating her in North Beach.
Following the Gold Rush the book outlines the struggles Latinos endured in order to carve out their own communities and forge lives of dignity and meaning in San Francisco. They accomplished this through collaborations with the Catholic Church, the establishment of the Spanish language press, business districts and neighborhood associations and later through various movements and protests: the youth movement and college ethnic studies movement.
A significant portion of the book details the role of the Catholic Church in fostering unity and identity.
“We who belong to the Spanish race in this city, will never achieve strength or respectability while we do not also have unity,” wrote a contingent of San Francisco Latin Americans in 1871. “Unity builds strength, and strength begets respect.”
With these words they were appealing to the Latino community to build its own Spanish-language church.
The endeavor they hoped, would not only nurture culture and spirituality but also help unify the diverse and diffuse Spanish-speaking population. Four years later, their efforts culminated with the opening of La Iglesia de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe,...the first Spanish-language “national parish” in California.”
The building of the first Spanish-speaking church, Our Lady of Guadalupe, by the Latino community was a powerful symbol of their ability to unify as a community and forge a shared identity. A Latino colonia and commercial center developed around the church and thrived until the mid-1950s. The Church was re-built after the 1906 fire, but did not survive its closure in 1992.
In the 40's Latinos began moving into the Mission. In fact, the Mission became widely known as an immigrant entry point to the City. St. Peter's Catholic Church became their spiritual center. By the sixties the Church took an active role in local politics focusing on the collective needs of a poor and working class immigrant community, supporting everything from employment discrimination to the United Farm Workers.
Central American revolutions, from Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, increased the numbers of Latino refugees and immigrants populating San Francisco giving the City its pan-ethnic Latino make-up. In an era when Mexican Americans in the Southwest came together under the term of chicanismo, San Francisco's Mission district was predominately Latin American and chose to most often call themselves la raza.
I came to San Francisco in the mid-seventies and have witnessed the on-going evolution of Latinos in the city, from the election of three Latinos to the board of supervisors to the beginnings of the gentrification of the Mission district. Reading this sweeping historical account of the hard-earned place Latinos forged for themselves and their ancestors in the City by the Bay, I can't help but feel a sense of pride in those brave souls who through persistence, courage and faith left us a legacy of unity and pride.
Latinos at the Golden Gate, although more for the academic reader than the general reader, is a welcome addition to the history of Latinos in California.


Rose Castillo Guilbault, currently a Board director for Sam Trans, was Director, Editorials & Public Affairs, for ABC-7 TV in San Francisco for nearly 22 years until 1999 where she wrote, produced and presented on-air editorial commentary, created and produced/hosted prime access programs and a weekly public affairs show. She retired in 2013 as President of the Community Safety Foundation/Vice President Social Responsibility for AAA Northern California, Nevada & Utah Insurance Exchange.

The "better life" for Tío Chucho and Tía Chavela

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Extract from Beneath the Halo, by Celeste Guzmán Mendoza

Tío Chucho would have you believe


that Tía Chavela was named for Port
Isabel not a saint.

He says this each time we drive
toward the bay, seagulls cutting
into his, Pos sí, es cierto. ¿No me creen?

How could we believe a story like that?
Port Isabel with its bikinied, busomy,
bottom-heavy ladies, and beer joints

filled with young white boys in swimming
chones and chanclas, and t-shirt shop
after t-shirt shop—has nothing to do

with Tía Chavela’s horn-rimmed trifocals,
SAS shoes, casita with furniture covered
in plastic, and altar with stained photos

of her mother. In one she holds a bunny
and a palm-sized statue of el sagrado
corazón. No. Nada que ver. But el Tío.

Maybe he remembers Tía’s youth
before their six children suckled
her breasts dry. Or maybe he wants

us to laugh with him. Share something.
Our English a wound so deep
between us. Los pochos and him—

viejito always thinking of his Mexico
lindo. We could ask Tía to set him straight
but why bother. Every year, once a year

he gets to say it, resolved that it could be
true and that would make them as American
as us. Just as good. Maybe so good

that next year he could bring Tía Chavela
in their own car, stay in their own hotel,
and pretend together that this is the better

life,
worth the leaving,
worth the remembering.


Celeste Guzmán Mendoza
Celeste Guzmán Mendoza, a native of San Antonio, Texas, has been published in a number of journals and anthologies. Her chapbook of poetry, Cande, te estoy llamando, won the Poesía Tejana Prize from Wings Press. She is also a playwright: her original play, Burnt Sienna, won the 1996 American College Theater Festival’s Ten Minute Play Award. Mendoza, now living in Austin, is Associate Director of Development at the Teresa Lozano Long Institute for Latin American Studies, University of Texas at Austin. Beneath the Halo, a Wings Press publication, is available at www.wingspress.comand in e-book editions.

"...from somewhere deep", palabras contra la Tempestad

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Tempestad
“Even in a storm, the rebozo serves a useful purpose, an umbrella
to shield the woman from the torrents of tempest. . . ” —C.G.

Deep Inside the Storm

By Carmen Tafolla

How COULD you?!
YOU, Tormenta! ¡Tempestad Fregada!
Your lightning fangs drip chaos
You flash your teeth and howl
Crack my world Break my sky
Crush my tender sweet-birthed dreams
like flattened blooms beneath your hooves
You ruin everything
and then you ruin
more

You have no right!
Each thin word I shout
melts in your purple gusts
Your cruel teeth tear my ripest plans
devoured, destroyed down your dark throat
till nothing’s left
not voice
not hope
But low and faint
between your screech and screams
my feet begin to pound
a drumbeat dance
a song of sun’s return
on brown earth firm
My legs and arms grow fierce
some sunrise bloom of strength
insists with breathless pace
that my voice will once more be
found

Hear it now—a whisper grows
A rumbled power that will not stop
Hear it! Roaring, yes, from somewhere deep
inside your storm.

Muy Dentro de la Tempestad

Por Carmen Tafolla

¡Cómo PUDISTE!
¡TU, Tormenta! Fiera negra!
tus relámpagos colmillos
rompen el cielo, despedazan el mundo
Mis tiernos sueños
flores pisoteadas bajo tus cascos
Lo arruinas todo
y después arruinas
más

¡No tienes derecho!
Esas palabras flacas que clamo
se derriten en tus ráfagas moradas
Tus dientes crueles
los muerden, tragan, destruyen
Desaparecen en tu garganta oscura—
hasta que no queda
nada
ni voz
ni
esperanza

Pero entre los gritos y gruñidos
de la rugiente tempestad
resuena ya el ritmo
de mis pies firmes sobre la tierra
cantando el regreso de la luz
Las piernas furiosas cobran fuerza
Los brazos florecen cual el alba del poder
El susurro crece incesante—

Mi voz
Ya sé que sonará
desde acá muy dentro
dentro
de tu tempestad

Carmen Tafolla, a native of the West-Side barrios of San Antonio, Texas, and now an author of more than 20 books, has been recognized by the National Association for Chicano Studies for work which “gives voice to the peoples and cultures of this land”. The recipient of numerous awards, she is a member of the Texas Institute of Letters and currently Writer-in-Residence for Children’s, Youth and Transformative Literature at the University of Texas San Antonio. Tafolla received her Ph.D. in Bilingual Education from the University of Texas in 1982 and is still doing postgraduate work, she tells us, on her Ph.C. (Curandera of Philosophy). Rebozos is available from Wings Press in San Antonio.

The paintings throughout Rebozos are by Catalina Gárate García, a California painter who hails originally from Tampico, Mexico.

“Treaties are the supreme law of the land”: Article VII, U.S. Constitution

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Extracts from The Great Sioux Nation: author, Roxanne Dunbar Ortiz

Author's Note to the New Edition, a Lakota historian's statement and a review

University of Nebraska Press, the esteemed publisher of this new edition of The Great Sioux Nation, also published, in 2012, Called to Justice: The Life of a Federal Trial Judge, the memoirs of Judge Warren Urbom, the federal judge who heard the case this book is based on. The chapter in which the Judge recounts that experience, titled, "Wounded Knee and the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868," is one of the longest in the book, yet it covers only one year of his rich and complex career. The chapter begins: “At the dawn of 1974 my life was about to be absorbed by Native Americans. I could have avoided it, I suppose, but I didn't see it coming, and when I did see it, I was already deeply involved. I accepted the invitation with the expectation that I'd spend a week trying Native Americans. I stayed a year.”
I could say the same myself, except I stayed a lifetime rather than a year. Immediately after the 1974 hearing I was swept into the uncharted territory of forging an international Indigenous movement. Following the publication of The Great Sioux Nation in the spring of 1977, the book was presented three months later as a fundamental document regarding the 1868 Sioux Treaty at the United Nations. The International Indian Treaty Council, formed in 1974 to seek international recognition for the Sioux Nation and other Indigenous nations based on treaties and agreements that guaranteed their sovereignty, worked with international human rights groups and UN officials to organize the "International NGO Conference on Discrimination against Indigenous Populations in the Americas," held at United Nations' headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland, September 20-23, 1977. Over a hundred Indigenous representatives from the Arctic Circle to the cone of South America participated in this unprecedented initiative, triggering a three-decade process, involving hundreds of Indigenous nations, communities, and organizations. This effort culminated in the landmark 2007 United Nations' General Assembly's "Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples." Article 37 of the Declaration pertains to treaties:
1. Indigenous peoples have the rights to the recognition, observance and enforcement of treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements concluded with States or their successors and to have States honour and respect such treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements.
2. Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as diminishing or eliminating the rights of indigenous peoples contained in treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements.
The Declaration was strong on the treaty issue thanks to the persistent lobbying by representatives of the Sioux Treaty, along with other Indigenous nations. In the late 1980s, a UN Special Rapporteur, Miguel Alfonso-Martínez, was appointed to study treaties and agreements between Indigenous Peoples and colonizing states.
The Treaty Study, completed in 1999, validated the 1868 Sioux Treaty according to the Sioux interpretation. During the following years, regular treaty seminars have been organized at the United Nations to further refine the applicable international law. The Declaration is a marker on the road to a binding international treaty on the rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Contributing to the high credibility of the treaty issue was the vindication of the Sioux in their claim to the Black Hills, as guaranteed under the 1868 treaty. On July 23, 1980, in United States v. Sioux Nation of Indians, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the Black Hills were illegally taken and that remuneration of the initial offering price plus interest — over a hundred million dollars — be paid to the Sioux Nation.
The Sioux people refused the settlement, and insisted that the sacred Black Hills be returned to them. The money remained in an interest-bearing account, which by the turn of the twenty-first century, amounted to over seven-hundred million dollars, increasing every year. But the Sioux refused to take the money. They believed that accepting the settlement would validate the U.S. theft of their most sacred land.
This is a profound statement coming from a people living in impoverished, colonized conditions in the richest country in the world, clear evidence of their sovereignty as a people and their insistence on self-determination.
In the decades since the publication of The Great Sioux Nation, American Indian Studies (variously called Native American Studies and Indigenous Studies) programs, have flourished in dozens of universities throughout North America, and Native American scholars are now professors in many academic fields, including Native Studies, teaching and writing invaluable books, literature, and poetry.
When this book was published, the theoretical framework of western colonialism and the United States as a colonialist settler-state was only beginning to emerge; now it is the foundational theory.  Lakota scholar and poet, Elizabeth Cook-Lynn's 2011 book, A Separate Country: Postcoloniality and American Indian Nations, is the best guide to that development.
Several books published since the Sioux Treaty hearing provide perspectives on the treaty issue, the Black Hills, the Wounded Knee siege, and Native activism in general. Two prominent leaders of the American Indian Movement at Wounded Knee published their autobiographies: Russell Means, Where White Men Fear to Tread: The Autobiography of Russell Means, in 1996, and Dennis Banks: Ojibwa Warrior: Dennis Banks and the Rise of the American Indian Movement, in 2005. Peter Matthiessen's 1983 book, In the Spirit of Crazyhorse: The Story of Leonard Peltier and the FBI's War on the American Indian Movement is a meticulous history of the American Indian Movement and the U.S. government's attacks on the organization, most notably, the continued imprisonment of Leonard Peltier.  Like a Hurricane: The Indian Movement from Alcatraz to Wounded Knee, published in 1997 by Native American writers, Paul Chaat Smith and Robert Allen Warrior, has already become a classic and essential interpretive work.
The most comprehensive historical work on what led up to Wounded Knee is Daniel M. Cobb's Native American Activism in Cold War America: The Struggle for Sovereignty (2008). Lakota attorney Mario Gonzalez and Lakota scholar and writer Elizabeth Cook-Lynn published The Politics of Hallowed Ground: Wounded Knee and the Struggle for Indian Sovereignty in 1998, an inspired book of legal and oral histories, along with documents. Regarding the central issue of the return of the Black Hills, Jeffrey Ostler's 2010 book, The Lakotas and the Black Hills: The Struggle for Sacred Ground, is a thorough and useful text. Indigenous
Peoples' rights in international law and within the United Nations system have received considerable scholarly attention, and two collections of articles stand out among dozens of publications: Making the Declaration Work: The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2009), edited by Claire Charters and Rodolfo Stavenhagen; and Indigenous Rights in the Age of the UN Declaration (2012), edited by Elvira Pulitano. The latter book contains an important article by the researcher for the UN Treaty Study, Isabelle Schulte-Tenckhoff, titled, "Treaties, Peoplehood, and Self-Determination."
Vine Deloria, Jr., 2005 and John Thorne 2011 were the main legal minds behind the strategies developed for the 1974 Sioux Treaty Hearing. Both passed away in the early twenty-first century, leaving behind remarkable legacies, and in the case of Deloria, more than twenty books of literary and political genius. Both were mentors of mine and for many.
All royalties from the sale of The Great Sioux Nation will go to the Defenders of the Black Hills--He Sapa O'nakijin, which is based in Rapid City, South Dakota, and is coordinated by Charmaine White Face. In protecting and defending the Sioux Treaty and the restitution of the sacred Black Hills--Paha Sapa, the Defenders are also upholding Article VI of the Constitution of the United States, which asserts: “treaties are the supreme law of the land.”

Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, born in San Antonio, Texas, in 1938 to the daughter of a sharecropper and a half-Native American mother from Oklahoma, grew up in Central Oklahoma, and is Professor Emerita of Ethnic Studies at California State University, Hayward. Since retiring from university teaching, Dunbar-Ortiz has been lecturing widely and writes.The Great Sioux Nation is available from Bison Press.

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“Rations Not Fit for Human Consumption”

Statement by Matthew King, Oglala elder from the Pine Ridge Reservation, a Lakota historian and spokesman, who serves as Chief Fools Crow's interpreter on official occasions. (154-156)

From the book, The Great Sioux Nation, by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz

I speak and write about Indian affairs. I used to lecture in different schools all over the country-universities, high schools, organizations, television, and radio. Recently I helped Chief Fools Crow in trying to negotiate a peace between the United States government and our Indian people. I was the official interpreter on that occasion. I am now writing the history of the Sioux people, our life and beliefs.
The Sioux are a Nation. We believe in nature, natural laws, the great spirit. We are not materialistic. Sioux history goes back thirty or forty thousand years.
The Sioux have exercised their religion longer than the Pipe. The Pipe was presented to us only recently, maybe four hundred years ago. If we are in trouble and need help we must use the Pipe to pray. The mysterious person who presented the Pipe said that prayers must be answered. We have been using the Pipe ever since. There cannot be a ceremony without the Pipe. There is no other way. The Pipe is a power which was given to us and we must use it according to the instructions.
The Pipe was used in many of the negotiations between the United States government representatives and the Sioux Chiefs. But the white man doesn't believe in the Pipe and broke every treaty that was made with Indian Nations-371 of them. The Indian never broke a single treaty.
Songs and dances play an important role in the life of the people. Creation, no matter what it is, is anything that has life. The universe is the tabernacle of the Great Spirit and we must study it. We must study the moon, the stars, everything that contains our world. We must understand, we must respect. It took the Sioux thirty thousand years to observe those laws of nature. The white man has a long way to go.
All people have the same relationship with the land. Mother Earth produces sustenance to all human life and animal life. Everything we get from the Earth, we must pray to the Great Spirit that made it possible for us. Even our herbs that we use for medicine we don’t take without due consideration of whoever created the Earth, the power that is on the face of the Earth. White people look upon the land differently.
We are sorry that the white man does not think about the destruction of Mother Earth. Recently they have started strip mining on some of the most beautiful country in the world, in Montana. The Cheyenne are crying about it because they would rather keep it as it is because it is their religion. They do not want to hurt Mother Earth.
I do not hate white people. I feel sorry for them. We only take what we need from the Earth. Same way with the buffalo. They just killed what was needed. They don't destroy. We believe the Great Spirit has provided for all the people and we don't sell the things. We would give something away.
I was brought up in a period of time when some of the Chiefs were still living back in 1908—the ones who signed the 1868 Treaty. I was old enough to understand. I heard Red Cloud and other chiefs talk. I was always an attentive listener and they say, all of them, has been handed down. That is the law of nature, because you cannot lie. You have to tell the truth, and remember. They advocated peace among the people. They lived by that law because the world is a peaceful place to life in. They knew thatthe Great Spirit wanted everybody to live in peace in creation. They did not know what violence was until it was inflicted on them. Then they had to fight for their lives.
I remember the rations the United States government sent. Those rations were not fit for human consumption. They had white bacon which turned yellow, and kept the warehouses for I don't know how long. The rice and beans had mice droppings in them. I saw it.
The Treaty of 1868 was signed in good faith by our chiefs and by General Sanborn and Henderson, two civilians and five generals. They drew up the 1858 Treaty and it was signed. Eight months later, the same people who drew up the Treaty drew up a resolution and presented it to the President that there would be no more treaties and that the Indian department should be turned over to the War Department to use stronger methods against Indians, to put us in concentration camps.
That is where we are. Those concentration camps are still in existence.
Then they tried to make them sign new agreements. They threatened to take rations away, to exterminate the people. They said, “We will rub you off the face of the earth and we will take you to the south to the hot country.” Our Chief said to go ahead and kill us for we won't be worse off, and they never signed. Three-fourths majority were to sign any changes.

We had no written language. We used the sign language when we talked to the other tribes. From 1860 we had some Indian missionaries, religious people. When the white man religion was introduced, many of the Indians became ministers in the Episcopal Church, the Catholic Church, the Presbyterian Church. I have a father and two uncles who are ordained Christian ministers. I went to a seminary myself, but I did not become a minister.
Between 1851 and 1877, the United States made eight peace treaties, and eight war plans abrogating the treaty just made. The ones who drew up the Treaty of 1868 never meant to keep it, because eight months later here are the same ones that made the changes that the Indians will be in a concentration camp. All those treaties were made by the white man. He drew them up, approached us.
We ceded nearly two billion acres to the United States and the government said they would give back half, and also pay. But we never gave up the Black Hills that is sacred ground and we have many people buried in the Black Hills. The whole area is a religious law of nature. It cannot be sold.
The 1868 Treaty is one important thing in Sioux life. What the white people brought was problems, and the people discuss that. They said they didn't understand the white people and they didn't understand what manner of men these white people are that make promises and then change them. They don't believe in that.
The interpreters for the treaties were not very good in making interpretations. For instance, some things were never recorded in these treaties but have been handed down orally. The Union Pacific Railroad was to belong to Indian people where it ran through Indian country. That meant, too, that they would have free passage. This was never recorded. Also, the mineral rights were only ceded for two feet of the surface. Wild game was never settled. Damages for the slaughter of buffalo, twenty or thirty million, was never taken into consideration. Many of the things in the Treaty do not explain all that happened to Indian people. That is what we are trying to correct.
The Sioux Nation is a sovereign Nation longer than the white people's government. We have thirty-one leaders, or headmen. The Chief's job is different from the President of the United States because every Indian thinks he is responsible for the actions of the Chief. The Chief is closely watched. If he makes a mistake he is out. There is no trial. He is out and that is all. They do not have to go through court spending thousands of dollars. Chief Fools Crow has to be acknowledged because he is the only senior Chief we have among the Oglala Sioux. In form the United States Government is established under the Indian way of governments—chiefs, subchiefs, and head men. All of these have been copied from the Indian.
When the United States Government wanted to exercise sovereignty, the Indian people who were already sovereign Nations, gave permission to the United States so they could negotiate with Indian people. We recognized their sovereignty by negotiating with them. None of those agreements signed after 1868 are recognized because the three-fourths of the 1868 Treaty was never used. The Indians say they are illegal.
The 1868 Treaty clearly states that law breakers will be handled either by the United States government or the Sioux government. We have one case where Two Sticks killed some white ranchers and the Chief arrested Two Sticks and presented him to the proper United States authority and they hanged him.
We have never known the white man to keep peace. There are a lot of white people who killed Indians that were never apprehended or even brought to trial. We kept our Treaty but the United States never did.
The United States promised to give half of the original land base back to the Sioux Nation. Now recently the United States offered the Sioux 105 million dollars. Where did they get that money?
The government of the United States is a foreign government as far as the Sioux are concerned. Indian people are supporting that government with our resources, our land, gold, minerals, everything in this country.
They just took the Black Hills. They got 408 people to sign it over, when it legally, by the Treaty, had to be 7,800 people sign.
Always the United States government representatives say that the 1868 Treaty is either void or not in force. I think we can do the same thing. We never broke a treaty but I think we could void all of our treaties legally. It would be the same thing because we are sovereign nations. We made the Treaty with the United States Government as a nation. We want to get the land back.
They have an organization which they call a "tribal council." The Bureau of Indian Affairs drew up the constitution and by-laws of this organization with the Indian Reorganization Act in 1934. This was the introduction of home rule. Mostly younger people are on it. The traditional people still hang on to their Treaty. They are a sovereign Nation. We have our own government. We have no written laws. The law of nature is ourlaw. We have Chiefs-principal Chiefs and Chiefs. And we have Sub-Chiefs, Headmen, Warriors. We have different societies, Fox Society, White Horse Society, Badger Society, and others.
We had wars with other tribes under the influence of the United States. They furnished guns. They wanted certain territory and they got other tribes to war against the Sioux Nation, like the Pawnee. With a little concession of new guns and power there was war. That was for territory. The United States wanted certain land. They want Indians to fight each other and get rid of the people who occupied certain territory.
I will tell you an incident that happened between the Pawnees and the Sioux when my grandfather was wounded. They used to get along with the Pawnees. They used to trade and give. Before guns, they used tomahawks and bow and arrow. They used to have sham battle, friendly .battle when they met. Once my grandfather with thirty-eight others went on a hunting trip and there were some Pawnees who came over the hill. They were warriors. The Sioux recognized them, so they didn't do anything. When the Pawnee came close they suddenly started shooting at the Sioux and killed all but three. My grandfather was wounded, but managed to get back to his people.
The Sioux asked the Pawnee for an apology, but they did not come. So the Sioux went against them. This was a result of what the United States did to influence the Pawnee. Probably they gave them money or tobacco to fight the Sioux. My grandfather used to tell me that.
The United States had their own scouts going to Indian countries. Some of them married Indian women, and they reported back to their own government what was possible. That was the trouble we had in the beginning. They used gifts inducing some tribe to fight another for certain territories. The United States wanted the land and wanted to get rid of the occupants.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs has more influence in the operation of the tribal council. They are operating under a policy that is against the traditional people.
(End of statement)

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This is not a Peace Pipe: The Continued Struggle for Lakota Liberation.

Review of Great Sioux Nation, by Nick Estes

The Great Sioux Nation: Sitting in Judgment on America, An Oral History of the Sioux Nation and Its Struggle for Sovereignty, by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz.
The re-publication of Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz’s classic 1977 The Great Sioux Nation upholds it reputation as an oral history and testament of the Sioux Nation’s struggle for liberation 36 years later. The archetypal historical narrative of the American Indian Movement’s (AIM) 72-day siege of the Wounded Knee Massacre site in 1973 reads like a script that ends with the AIM and the defiant Indians ultimately succumbing to the vanquishing forces of the U.S. government. This is not that story.
Dunbar-Ortiz’s The Great Sioux Nation picks up following the aftermath of the Wounded Knee siege during a thirteen-day December 1974 hearing in a federal courtroom in Lincoln, Nebraska. What presiding Federal Judge Warren Urbom expected was a hearing for 65 defendants accused of various criminal acts allegedly committed during the Wounded Knee siege. What the Judge got, instead, was a “Sioux Treaty Hearing” with traditional Lakota leaders filling the jury box, sitting in judgment of the United States.
The Great Sioux Nation is a compilation of the edited 3000 pages of court proceedings, which includes 49 witness testimonies from traditional Natives, scholars, lawyers, and activists. Amidst the testimonies witnesses were allowed to swear on the Sacred Pipe rather than the Bible. AIM spiritual leader Leonard Crow Dog summarized the importance of this act: “We call it the Sacred Pipe first of all... But the white man called it the peace pipe. And then he couldn’t live by what he said was the peace pipe.” (36)
The new edition of The Great Sioux Nation begins with a new foreword by Philip Deloria, author of two important manuscripts on Native history Playing Indian (1999) and Indians in Unexpected Places (2006). It only seems right Philip Deloria, the son of the late Native scholar and activist Vine Deloria, Jr. (2005), prefaces a book that continues the vision his father helped create and lay the foundation for twentieth century Indigenous struggles for sovereignty and liberation.
The 2013 re-publication also features an Author’s Note by Dunbar-Ortiz, reflecting on where the book and her role, as a lifelong and well-respected, Indigenous activist-scholar has taken her over the last 36 years from the courtroom in Lincoln, Nebraska, to the United Nations headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. Dunbar-Ortiz writes, “Immediately after the 1974 hearing I was swept away into the unchartered territory of forging an international Indigenous movement.” (v)
The rest of the book is split into seven topical parts that are organized around several important historical themes: the Wounded Knee Massacre, the Wounded Knee siege, the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty, the Lakota oral tradition, and the violence colonialism and dispossession have wrought on the Lakota and Native Nations of North America.
The Great Sioux Nation concludes with Judge Urbom’s decision that his court has no power to uphold the sovereignty of the Sioux Nation and the defendants are not exempt from criminal jurisdiction under the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty. This decision, however, is circumvented in the final section aptly titled “It Does Not End Here.” This section elucidates the international strategy adopted as the next logical step for liberation for the Lakota Nation.
Six months prior to the court proceedings at Lincoln the first International Indian Treaty Council met at Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in South Dakota. This Treaty Council drafted the “Declaration of Continuing Independence” that outlined the international direction the Lakota and Indigenous peoples of North America set out. What came of this original 1974 meeting of the International Indian Treaty Council was a three-decade struggle that involved hundreds of Indigenous nations and peoples from across the globe and resulted in the 2007 United Nations’ “Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.”
This struggle for international recognition is also the culmination of over 500 years of struggle and resistance by Indigenous peoples of the Americas. For the Lakota Nation, this struggle is recounted in the oral testimony recorded in that Nebraska courtroom, bearing witness to how the Lakota encapsulate all notions of sovereignty and struggles for liberation as materially and spiritually tied to land. The Great Sioux Nation centers land and the 1868 Treaty as the basis for demonstrating the struggle for liberation as materially congenital to not only the Lakota Nation’s subjugation, but also to the Lakota Nation’s liberation.
Gladys Bissonette explained the struggle, “Anything of violence on our part has been provoked by the United States” for not living up to the 1868 Treaty. Furthermore, Bissonette stated, “We are showing the people of the world that justice must be done.” (176)
The re-publication of Dunbar-Ortiz’s The Great Sioux Nation arrives at the heels of the 40th anniversary of the Wounded Knee siege, now recognized as “Lakota Liberation Day” by the Oglala Sioux Tribe. Among the celebrants at Wounded Knee this year were tribal council members wearing AIM t-shirts, Wounded Knee veterans, AIM members from across the continent, families and allies of AIM, and, more importantly, young Lakota patriots wearing AIM badges and flying the flags of liberation “In the Spirit of Crazy Horse”—as the saying goes.
For this younger generation of Lakota patriots immersed in the continued struggle for liberation (myself included), The Great Sioux Nation is more important today than it was in 1977 for its courage and brevity in telling the Lakota’s historical struggle. It is the testimony to the oath the witnesses took on the Sacred Pipe in 1974 that our struggle is intrinsically tied to the liberation of our homelands and an international Indigenous liberation movement.

Dunbar-Ortiz’s lifelong commitment to these struggles is tantamount to the consequence of the testimonies contained in The Great Sioux Nation. Hecutu Welo!

“I saw myself flying”: How a dream lifted the first African Americans to the skies

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Extract from The Challengers Aero Club:author, Severo Perez

The Challengers Aero Club, a novel by widely known Chicano filmmaker Severo Perez, is based on the lives of three remarkable aviators: Willa B. Brown, John C. Robinson, and Cornelius C. Coffey, set in Depression-era Chicago. 

Chapter 2 follows:

In the yellow light of sunrise, a motorcyclist stopped at the edge of a field in the rural outskirts of Chicago. John Robinson steered his red Indian motorbike through a weathered wooden gate, fishtailing on the slick spring grass as he drove toward a ramshackle tractor barn and oak tree at the opposite end of the field.
Through a crack in the door, he could see his friend Cornelius Coffey working by the light of a kerosene lamp.
Twenty-three-year-old Coffey looked up. “About time,” he said, turning off the lamp and hurrying out of the barn to look up at the sky. It was going to be a clear, sunny day. “You ready to do this?” he asked.
“I’ve already done it in my mind,” answered Johnny. “I saw myself flying, and I knew I could do it. It’s a motorcycle with wings.”
“Well, it’s an airfoil with a motorcycle engine,” Coffey muttered to himself. Normally, he would have made a point of correcting his friend. Today, however, he was too proud and excited to contradict. He dragged the barn door open, revealing an ultralight homebuilt single-winged airplane, painted white with red trim.
Johnny unbuckled the motorcycle’s saddlebags and retrieved a leather flight jacket, gloves, and an aviator’s cap with earflaps and goggles. “I borrowed them from Mr. Mack,” he said, putting on the jacket. “They’ve been in his office for as long as I’ve worked there. I don’t think they’ve ever been worn.” The flight jacket and cap gave the tall, broad-shouldered twenty-four-year-old Johnny an air of confidence that ignored a crucial reality. He’d never flown before, nor had he had a lesson.
Johnny and Coffey lifted the tail section and pushed the monoplane like a wheelbarrow to the center of the field. For the two young mechanics, the plane represented the culmination of a two-year-long challenge. Soon after they’d met on the job at Mack Chevrolet, the only licensed black mechanics in the shop, they discovered their mutual interest in flying. Of course, owning an airplane was akin to owning a luxury yacht for two guys making seventeen dollars a week.
It was about that same time Coffey learned of a local businessman, Edward Heath, who was selling airplanes in do-it-yourself kit form. For the well-heeled aviation enthusiast, Heath sold a fully assembled, ready-to-fly Heath Eagle for just under a thousand dollars. For less than seven hundred dollars, he sold a version without the engine. For the truly adventurous, he sold the plans for the Heath Parasol Ultralight for five dollars. Heath’s plans were not for hobbyists, but those with professional mechanical skills and experience in making models could assemble one.
Johnny teased Coffey about wasting five whole dollars on what seemed like a quixotic whim. “Coffey, if you build an airplane, I’ll fly it.” Of course, at the time, he didn’t know Coffey that well and had assumed he’d never have to live up to that dare.
The enterprising Mr. Heath also sold propellers, engines, seats, cables, and smaller kits for the wings and other parts of the plane’s design. Coffey purchased the wing kit and began assembling it in the barn. Eddie Heath allowed Coffey to scrounge through stock returns, discards, and wrecks because the young man paid two bits or a half dollar for something he might just toss in the incinerator.
As construction continued, Johnny realized that the slight, serious-minded Coffey was determined to build an airplane. He sacrificed his evenings and weekends to gluing and clamping an intricate framework of wooden frets and struts that formed the wing and then the body of the Heath Parasol monoplane.
Johnny wasn’t about to back out of his dare, either. He read everything he could about flying. For his part, he acquired the Ace motorcycle engine and the lightweight motorcycle wheels.
Johnny had to admire the attention to detail and craftsmanship Coffey had put into the Parasol. The finished aircraft stood five feet high and seventeen feet long from propeller to tail and weighed two hundred and fifty pounds. The fuselage looked like a one-person kayak with the Ace four-cylinder motorcycle engine mounted in front and the stabilizer and vertical fin in the back. Suspended above the pilot, the wing was joined to the fuselage and wheels by an undercarriage of welded motorcycle tubing.
“Okay, this is it,” he said, running his hands over the tightly stretched canvas that formed the skin of the aircraft.
Climbing into the cockpit, he saw that the Parasol wasn’t entirely finished. A sturdy apple crate served as the seat, and there was no windshield to protect the pilot. To keep Johnny from falling out of the plane, an extra-long leather belt was fastened to the frame from under the crate. Cinching the belt around his waist, he marveled that Coffey had even punched extra holes in the leather, making sure it fit him.
“Start her up,” Johnny said, his voice cracking.
Coffey had tested the motor dozens of times as it sat clamped to sawhorses. Out in the middle of a field, Coffey gave the propeller a hard spin, and the motor started instantly. The plane lurched dangerously forward. Startled, Coffey stumbled back, brushing the back of his hand against the spinning propeller. A fraction of an inch closer, and he could have lost fingers. Except for a small, painful scrape, his hand was fine. He laughed nervously and wiped his face with his palms.
“You know, we don’t have to fly today!” Coffey shouted over the engine noise. “We can just taxi around and get a feel for her.”
“Sure,” called Johnny, though he’d only heard the last part about taxiing around. Johnny hadn’t seen Coffey’s incident with the propeller, and the engine noise made it impossible to hear. Coffey checked the flaps, the rudder, and the ailerons, using hand signals to communicate.
Johnny taxied the craft around the field several times, getting a feel for the speed and lift. After a half hour of practice runs, Coffey needed to check the gasoline level. He signaled for Johnny to idle the engine and bring the plane to a stop. The Parasol had no brakes. Coffey grabbed onto the tail and dug his heels into the sod, a futile stumbling effort that left him flat on his face. As he looked up, the monoplane rolled to a stop on its own.
Coffey refilled the gas tank and tightened the connectors to the rudder. Satisfied that all the cables were in working order, he nodded at Johnny.
“Let’s do it,” said Johnny.
Coffey tore off a handful of grass blades and held them above his head, allowing them to slip through his fingers. He pointed in the direction of the breeze, picked up the rear of the plane, and positioned it for takeoff.
In 1938, Willa Brown was the first African
American woman to earn a
commercial pilot's license.
Johnny waved off any last-minute instructions. He couldn’t hear Coffey in any case. He revved the engine and pulled back on the throttle. The plane sped across the field and started to lift. An instant after becoming airborne, it flipped upside down. Johnny grabbed the frame and pulled himself into a ball inside the cockpit. The plane flopped onto the field with a thud. The Parasol and Johnny’s head bounced off the soft earth. Coffey stood frozen. His pal— more important—“ My plane!” he screamed. As he raced toward the Parasol, Coffey saw Johnny hanging upside down, waving.
 “Let’s do it again,” Johnny grunted. He undid the seat belt and fell out of the cockpit. He scrambled to his feet. A red smear of blood streaked his forehead. “Let’s do it again,” he repeated, his heart pumping. “The ailerons went from zero to ninety degrees like a flash. Loosen them up, and let’s see. I can do it. I had it.”
Together, they righted the plane as if it were a large box kite. Johnny dismissed the scrape on his forehead, wiped the grass and dirt from his goggles, scrambled back into the cockpit, and buckled the seat belt. Coffey’s inspection revealed no major damage. He loosened the tension on the aileron cables.
“Feels better,” Johnny said, testing the ailerons. “There’s no telling how they’re going to work until I’m in the air.”
Coffey found two rocks and placed them in front of the wheels. He approached the propeller cautiously, gave it a timid spin, and jumped back. The engine sputtered and died.
He shrugged off his fear and gave the propeller a forceful spin, making sure his hands were clear when he finished his motion. The engine caught immediately. Coffey lifted the aircraft by the tail and backed it away from the rocks.
On the second attempt, the plane made three hops and became airborne. Johnny shrieked an adrenaline-spiked “Whoooiiiee!” Banking into his first turn, he felt a new sensation caused by the centrifugal force of the turn. The exhilaration lasted until he realized he wasn’t breathing. He gasped with excitement. He was flying, and it felt better than anything he could recall.
Coffey’s eyes welled with tears as his airplane banked and circled the field. They took turns flying until every drop of fuel was shaken from the gas can. Johnny even siphoned a half gallon from his motorcycle.
On the last flight of the day, as Johnny circled the field, the engine sputtered and went silent. The Parasol was heading in the wrong direction for a landing. Considering his speed and altitude, Johnny somehow intuitively knew he had one chance to position himself for an approach. He calmly forced the plane into an extra-tight turn, putting the Parasol in the right direction, but much too low. His trajectory pointed him at the tractor barn and the oak tree next to it. He waited until he was twenty yards from the tree and pulled back on the ailerons and elevators. The Parasol lifted just enough to clear the top branches and make the field. The moment the Parasol coasted to a stop, Johnny leaped from the cockpit.
“Yes, yes, yes, and yes, siree!” he shouted. “Did you see that?”
Nothing that day bothered Johnny. The experience of flying gave him a glow. It didn’t occur to him that he could have cracked his skull or killed himself several times over.
“Let’s go. I’m starving!” Johnny called out.
“We can’t just walk away,” said Coffey. “Except for refilling her–– which we can’t do–– I want to leave her ready for the next time. Otherwise, I’ll forget what I did or didn’t do.” They pushed the Parasol back to the barn. Coffey took down a logbook and wrote that they’d used two and a half gallons of gas, while spending thirty minutes taxiing on ground and fifty minutes in the air.
Coffey couldn’t muster the same excitement as Johnny. He felt responsible for not anticipating the near-fatal disasters. He would never make those mistakes again.
On the way home, they ran out of gas two miles from Indiana Street and had to push the Indian motorcycle the rest of the way in the dark.


Severo Perez
Severo Perez is the writer/director and co-producer of the highly acclaimed feature film adaptation of the Tomás Rivera novel, …y no se lo trago la tierra. A documentary he wrote and produced about the life of pioneer black aviator Willa Brown proved to be the basis for his first novel, The Challengers Aero Club, a fictional retelling of how Willa Brown, Cornelius Coffey and Johnny Robinson became African American pioneers in the sky. Available in a Kindle Edition from Amazon.com.
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