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Poems to an abuelo and to hope far off

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Somos en escrito The Latino Literary Online Magazine
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Illustrations by Giovanna Espinoza


Two poems filled with insight and the future

By Giovanna Espinoza

The Scholarly Abuelo

He came into my life
Suave, muy suave
In all his unassuming glory
El jefe tan chingón
His own brand of exuberant joy, radiating
A todo dar
Así como dicen "Great things come in small sizes” His signature style, ese.
The Hat - to keep that fountain of wisdom
Contained, but siempre
Overflowing
¡Vale! What about them shoes?
Declaran: Este vato, he's a man of pure class!
Pero, he is not without a bit of
Sassss ¡Ey! ¡Wachale!
He's on a mission, you see
Está abriendo camino
For who?! Why?!
You might ask
'Pa la gente, la raza
For you, 'pa mi Without a doubt, sin duda
Es el mero mero
Why?
Exactly
Think: pedagogy
Can you see it? ¿Lo puedes ver?
The forest Él es el más grande
Fooool
Pero, he makes us all look
Como los verdaderos idiotas
¿Y qué?
Porque we need to be
Irreverente
¡Andale! Porque, my abuelo
Well, es un escolar,
A scholar
So, I will take that Hat
And claim it, own it  Y caminaré el mismo camino
In my own shoes, mi estilo
Because ¡chale! Sere una force of nature
La tempestad
Shaking the very foundation
Down to the raices
¡Si se puede!
¿Verdad?

~~~~~~~~~

Hope en distancia

Hay distancias que nos
S e p a r a n
They d/i/v/i/d/e  U.S.
Pa crear una frontera
Between us So
I am
Waiting
Esperando, hoping
For what? You might ask
Chhhh…
Oh
I forgot
It’s shhhh now Yo quiero
Desire
NO!
¡Que feo!
My, my what a nasty
Little mind, you have there I demand
El derecho de poder
Compartirlas
With you, hermanita
Las delicias del mundo So, I will make a proposition
Let’s build it!
A wall? You little-
No.
A bridge, un puente I want
To breathe
El mismo aire
Polluted and open Escucha, mija
You’re playing with fuego
¿Quién te dio la autoridad?
To make all these demands Who? You ask
Es muy fácil
Simple even, sir
I did, yo solita  Look here, chamaca
No tienes idea de lo que-
¿Qué?
Of course, I have ideas! Mira aquí, señor
 I am a LOUDmouth, oh yes
Toda una chismosa
So beware Recuerda, nosotras las mujeres
We’re patient
Waiting, esperando
Exactly
  

Giovanna Espinoza, born in Victorville, California, spent her early childhood in Mexico City but now lives in San Antonio, Texas, where she is a Spanish major and senior at Trinity University. She “strives through her writing to express the strong values that motivate her, making a difference in the world and encouraging growth through inquiry.” “The Scholarly Abuelo,” she notes, is Dr. Arturo Madrid, one of her professors at Trinity, now retired. The illustration is by Giovanna of his signature hat.

A Page Hidden in American History

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Guest Viewpoint

The Mexican American Story—yet to be told

By Felipe de Ortego y Gasca

American demographic knowledge about the Hispanic Southwest and about Mexican Americans in the United States is dismal, evident by spurious remarks by Donald Trump and tweets emanating from Republican presidential election activities this year. Many Americans think that Mexican Americans are a recent immigrant population, troublemakers, and thugs.
They are none of these! Though they are fierce defenders of their culture, language, and national origin. They are Mexican Americans in what is now the United States with roots that stretch back centuries. For example, a branch of my mother’s family settled in San Antonio in 1731 as founders of the city—all too often I have to remind my fellow Americans that 1731 is a few years before 1776. Many families in New Mexico trace their Hispanic roots to the mid-16th century, some 60 years before the founding of the English colony of Jamestown in North America in 1607.
For the record: the 3 million Mexicans who were settlers on the territory of the Mexican Cession in 1848 per the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo became Americans by conquest and fiat, holding on tenaciously to their cultural roots and traditions, though their political roots were sundered. Bear in mind that their land was now a land occupied by an invader force. They did not trek across a border to reach the United States. In other words, the border crossed them.
The territory of the Mexican Cession was larger than Spain, France, and Italy combined (529,000 square miles: third largest acquisition of territory in US history). Americans had coveted that territory for a long time. They got it with President Polk’s trumped up war against Mexico in 1846 on the pretext that on March 12 Mexico had invaded American territory in Brownsville, Texas. Despite the Texas Rebellion of 1836 and the subsequent U.S. annexation of Texas in 1845, Mexico had not ceded territorial rights to Texas. Ergo, Mexico did not invade American territory when its troops crossed innocently into Texas in 1846.
Of the 60 million American Hispanics today (per current Census count), 66 percent or  40 million are Mexican Americans, scattered from California to Maine, the majority of them in the Hispanic Southwest with the next largest population cluster of Mexican Americans in Chicago where I was born. In what I call the Ohio Valley Crescent, that arc of the United States stretching  West to East from Northfield, Minnesota, to Johnstown, Pennsylvania and South to include Iowa some 4 million American Hispanics live and work, most of them Mexican Americans. In all, the Ohio Valley Crescent includes the states of Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, West Virginia, and Western Pennsylvania. 
In this arc, American Hispanics (differentiated from Hispanic Americans from Latin America) have created vibrant communities full of Hispanic culture and language, and except for the Chicago area have been until recently historically “invisible.” It’s in this arc of the Ohio Valley Crescent in Indiana where U.S. District Judge Gonzalo Curiel was born, but who Donald Trump keeps referring to as that “Mexican” judge.
Eight million-plus Puerto Ricans (on the island and continental U.S.) make up 18 percent of the total U.S. Hispanic population. Cuban Americans make up 6 percent of the U.S. Hispanic population. That’s a total of 90 percent of the U. S. Hispanic population made up of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban Americans.
The remaining 10 percent comprises the “Latino” population of the U.S., that is, Hispanics from the 16 other Latin American countries not counting Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. With the exception of Salvadorians and Dominicans, none of the other Latino groups in their individual aggregate make up more than 1 percent of the U.S. Hispanic population. One can readily see that the elephant in the room is the Mexican American: 2 out of 3 American Hispanics are Mexican Americans. Given these stats one wonders why “the Donald” is alienating them.
Unfortunately, representations of Mexicans and Mexican Americans have tended to cast Mexican Americans and their Mexican kinsmen in the most lurid light, as Professor Cecil Robinson pointed out in his work With the Ears of Strangers. Mexican Americans were inaccurately and superficially represented in books, movies, television and other mass media, sometimes by well-meaning romanticists who distorted the image of Mexican Americans for the sake of their art.
Mexican Americans were characterized at both ends of a spectrum of human behavior—seldom in the middle—as untrustworthy, villainous, ruthless, tequila­ drinking, and philandering machos or else as courteous, devout, and fatalistic peasants who were to be treated more as pets than as people. More often than not Mexican Americans were cast as bandits or as lovable rogues; as hot-blooded, sexually animated creatures or passive, humble servants. Mexican and Mexican American women fared just as badly cast as females of easy virtue.
Mexican  American  youngsters  were taught about the cruelty of their Spanish forebears and the savagery of  their  Mexican-Indian ancestors;  they  were taught about the Spanish greed for gold, of the infamous Spanish Inquisition, of Aztec  human  sacrifices,  of Mexican  bandits,  and  of  the  massacre at the Alamo. Seldom, if ever, were they told about the other men at the Alamo, their Mexican kinsmen—unknown and unsung in American history—who were killed fighting on the Texas side for independence. American children have still probably never heard of Juan Abamillo, Juan Badillo, Carlos Espalier, Gregorio Esparza, Antonio Fuentes, Jose Maria Guerrero, Toribio Losoya, Andres Nava and more than a hundred other Texas Mexicans at the Alamo.
Information about the historical accomplishments of Mexican Americans from the end of the U.S. War with Mexico (1848) to the present has been nil in American history or social science texts. Editors and writers of American history texts have excluded or minimized the literary achievements of Mexican Americans, first, and Chicanos later, for reasons ranging from jingoism and racism to ignorance and disdain.
A current effort by the Texas State Board of Education to adopt a book about Mexican Americans for social studies characterizes Chicanos as set on destroying America. The book is full of errata and misinformation. Again, one wonders why Texas elected officials are deliberately alienating Texas Mexican Americans. A day of reckoning is coming when Texas Mexican Americans will be the majority population in the state. In 2004, in a Foreign Policy article, Harvard Professor Samuel P. Huntington ranted about American Hispanics posing a major potential threat to the country’s cultural and political integrity. As Hispanics, Mexican Americans seem to be and have been fair game for American xenophobes.
Like the Palestinians, Mexicans and Mexican Americans are in their homeland which was invaded by the U.S. in its rush from “sea to shining sea” during the era of American imperialism. In the 19th century, when the American empire beheld Mexico to its south, it saw only a nation of brown-tinted people working like serfs (peones) for the elite of Mexico on their plantations (latifundias). And like Cotton Mather in an earlier time who sought to free the Indians of Mexico from their Spanish oppressors, driven now by Manifest Destiny, American disdain for non-white people seized the moment to wrest more than half of Mexico’s sovereign territory as booty of war for its slave economy. Hawks in the U.S. Congress pressed for the total acquisition of Mexico but were staved off by those who argued that Mexican land south of the demarcated Mexican Cession was worthless.
In my work on The Black Legend (la Leyenda Negra), I maintain that the enmity toward Mexicans by Americans was the product of The Black Legend—that historical process of defamation, slander, libel, and stereotyping engendered by the conflict between Spain and England, brought to a head by Spain’s invasion of England in 1588 with the Spanish Armada in an effort to force England into submission and to return to the Catholic fold.
The Spanish Armada was totally destroyed by an unexpected perfect 10 storm. Spain left the field, and capitalizing on Spain’s retreat, England declared victory over Spain due to superior seamanship and because God willed it. England immediately initiated a barrage of propaganda against Spain, maliciously branding it a nation of infidels in league with the devil.  That propaganda blitz perdured over the centuries to this day and accounted for the contempt and vicious attitudes of Americans toward Mexicans in the 19th century aftermath of the U.S.-Mexico War of 1846-1848.  
Like the “Jewish Problem” in Germany in the last century, the Mexican Problem has loomed large in the United States. In time, anti-Mexican laws a la Jim Crow were passed, creating thus a Mexican-Dixon Line comparable to the Mason-Dixon Line. Americans quickly reduced  Mexican Americans to a stage of peonage corresponding to what existed in Spanish colonial Mexico and after the Creole interregnum from 1821 to 1910 at the end of the Porfirato—the 35 year despotic presidency of Porfirio Diaz.  
Important to note is that the Mexican War for Independence, 1810-1821, profited only the Criollo elite and a few of the indigenous elite of Mexico. The rest of Mexican society remained a macerated mass subject to the winds of fortune. Much the same befell the Mexicans of the ceded Mexican territory after 1848 in the now United States.
Becoming Americans posed problems of considerable dimension for the Mexicans of the ceded territory —now Americans in name only. They were confronted with a new language, a different political system, and an educational system that did not know how to educate them (see “Montezuma’s Children,” Ortego). Moreover, regarded as a half-breed population they were not wanted in the United States unless they could be herded like black slaves.
Narrative portraits of Mexican Americans by Anglo American writers have exerted extraordi-nary influence since 1848 down to our time on generations of Americans who have come in contact with them. Disparaging images of Mexican Americans were drawn by such writers as Richard Henry Dana, who, in Two Years Before the Mast, described the Mexicans of California as "an idle, thriftless people" who could "make nothing for themselves." In 1852, Colonel John Monroe reported to Washington,

that the New Mexicans are thoroughly debased and totally incapable of self-government, and there is no latent quality about them that can ever make them respectable. They have more Indian blood than Spanish, and in some respects are below the Pueblo Indians, for they are not as honest or as industrious.

In 1868, The Overland Monthly published an article by William V. Wells in which he wrote that
in the open field, a charge of disciplined troops usually sufficed to put to flight the  collection of frowzy-headed mestizos, leperos, mulattoes, Indians, Samboes, and other mongrels now, as in the time of our war with them, composing a Mexican Army.

 In our own time Walter Prescott Webb characterized Mexicans as possessing" a cruel streak" he believed was inherited partly from the Spanish of the inquisition and partly from their Indian forebears. “On the whole," he went on,

the Mexican warrior . . . was inferior to the Comanche and wholly unequal to Texans. The whine of the leaden slugs stirred in him an irresistible impulse to travel with, rather than against, the music. He won more victories over the Texans partly by parley than by force of arms. For making promises and for breaking them he had no peer.

In that 64-year period from 1848 to 1912 when New Mexico and Arizona became states, the Conquest Generation of Mexican Americans suffered the slings and arrows of outrageous discrimination and contumely much of which continues to this day evident by public characterizations of Mexican and Mexican Americans via media sources. This transition period of two generations did not assimilate Mexican Americans as such a period had assimilated European immigrants. But Mexican Americans were not immigrants. They were sentients in an occupied land that had once been their homeland—and now they were strangers in their own land.
American Hispanics have been present in the United States since its founding in 1776 with Hispanic Jews (Sephardim) in the population mix from the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam which became New York, plus the addition of Hispanics to the American population with the Louisiana Purchase (1803), the addition of Florida (1819), the U.S. War with Mexico (1846-48), the U.S. War with Spain (1898), the Mexican diaspora from 1910-1930), the Mexican Bracero Program (1942-1964), and the steady stream of immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean since the founding of the nation.
Despite their historical presence in the United States, American Hispanics receive scant coverage in the U.S. Media despite the fact that they constitute 19 percent of the total U.S. population--about 1 out of 5 Americans is an American Hispanic. By 2040, Census projections estimate that 1 out of 4 Americans will be Hispanic. And, according to the Census Bureau, by 2095 half the American population will be Hispanic—if fertility and motility ratios remain constant.
American Hispanics receive news coverage only when events cast them in adverse roles or stereotypes or situations of buffoonery. In film particularly, Mexicans have been cast as passive and benign in subservient roles or as jocular and bellicose characters in boisterous saloons or crowd scenes, there to be tolerated as riff-raff. More recently, Mexicans and Cubans have been cast as thugs or gangsters. In whichever roles they are cast they are always “the usual suspects” to be rounded up. American mainstream media has tended to regard American Hispanics as Mr. Hyde rather than as Dr. Jekyll. Simply put, it’s as if the American media sees American Hispanics as a population suffering from mass bi-polarism.
The most intense period of Americanization for Mexican Americans occurred between 1910 and 1930 in a migration north from Mexico that Ernesto Galarza, the Mexican American labor activist, called historic. More than 1½ million Mexicans trekked north from Mexico to escape the hardships of Mexico’s economy despoiled by Porfirismo. American labor shortages accommodated the exodus. But the Great Depression of the 1930s annulled the initial benefit of their presence in the American economy.
The remedy was rounding up the Mexicans and returning them to Mexico. Figures indicate that less than 500,000 Mexicans were repatriated, including many of whom were American citizens. That situation is a lot like the situation today in rounding up undocumented Mexicans in the U.S. Santayana, the American Hispanic Harvard professor, had it right: those who do not learn the lessons of history are condemned to repeat it.
This exodus of Mexicans trekking north is important in establishing the basic Mexican American population of today. Despite repatriation in the 1930s, the exodus added to the Mexican American population of the Conquest Generation, augmenting the U.S. Mexican American population considerably.
The third augmentation of the U.S. Mexican American population occurred between 1942 and 1962 with the Bracero Program—permitting an influx of about 1 million Mexicans to harvest American crops in the face of a shortage of American agricultural workers (off to war)—and to work in specialized employment categories such as millwrights, rolling-mill cutters, sheet shearers, and other steel mill categories. These specialty workers were contracted from the Mexican steel center in Monterrey, Mexico. At the same time, Mexico fielded,

the 201st Fighter Squadron (Escuadrón Aéreo de Pelea 201), a Mexican fightersquadron, part of the Mexican Expeditionary Air Forcethat aided the Allied war effort during World War II. The squadron was known by the nickname Aguilas Aztecas or "Aztec Eagles.” –Wikipedia

That Mexico was a key ally of the United States during World War II is lost in American amnesia—so much for “hands across the border” along which Donald Trump wants to build a wall should he be elected president of the United States. Que tonteria! What foolishness!
The Mexican American story is not a Mexican story; it’s an American story. Moreso since 1960 and the advent of “The Chicano Movement” and a people’s coming of age, asserting their rights as Americans. In my essay on “The Chicano Renaissance” (Journal of Social Casework, May 1971), I wrote:

In Understanding Media, Marshall McLuhan explains that “the medium is the message . . . that the personal and social consequences of any medium—that is, of any extension of our­selves— result from the new scale that is introduced into our affairs by each extension of ourselves.” Applying McLuhan’s proposition to the Chicano Movement, for example, we can see that the Chicano Movement is the medium for extending ourselves as Chicanos in American society, and, as such, the Chicano Move­ment becomes the message. Such slogans as Ya Basta, Vence­remosand Chicano Power are only ele­ments of the total message; they are simply part of the new scale introduced into Chicano affairs by each of our individual thrusts toward greater partici­pation in American society. Indeed, the personal and social consequences of our extensions into American society have been the result of a new scale of values and aspirations that we have created with each ex­tension of ourselves.

Via the Chicano Movement, Mexican Americans served notice to America that enough was enough; they were not going to be second-class citizens any more. Just as their forebears had done in resisting with arms the American occupation of their homeland after 1848, to emphasize their intent to achieve self-determination Chicanos staged school walkouts, blowouts, sit-ins, protests, civil disobedience, strikes, and defiant acts of non-compliance. In 1971, for example, Chicano students at the University of  Texas at El Paso seized the administration building and held the President hostage for 36 hours by way of overcoming the intransigence of the university in establishing a Chicano Studies Program (“Blowout at the University of Texas at El Paso,” Newspaper Tree, December 9, 2013).
The Mexican flag is part of our patrimony, that’s why we carry the Mexican flag at protests—to remind people of American atrocities against us since 1848. This doesn’t mean we are ready to renounce our American citizenship—on the contrary, Mexican Americans are not only a transcendent group but are the most decorated of the American military during World War II and subsequent engagements. Of the 16 million American men and women in uniform during World War II, almost 1million were American Hispanics, principally Mexican Americans (see In America’s Defense, Department of Defense). At 90, I’m among the few surviving Mexican American World War II veterans, dying at the rate of 465 a day. By 2030 there won’t be a single World War II veteran alive.
It’s not thuggery Chicanos have been exhibiting at Trump rallies but acts of defiance at being characterized maliciously by Trump and his Trumpsters who are of recent immigrant vintage compared to Mexican Americans who are of the Americas and whose indigenous forebearers stretch back on the continent some 20,000 years. Most of the time Trump does not know whereof he speaks, for when he speaks about Mexicans an inchoate rush of incoherent babble gushes out in torrents of malice from his persona as “imp of the perverse.” The defining feature of the Mexican American story is the diaspora created by the U.S. War against Mexico.


Felipe de Ortego y Gasca is Scholar in Residence (Cultural Studies, Critical Theory, Public Policy), at Western New Mexico University and Distinguished Professor Emeritus of English and Cultural Studies, Texas State University System-Sul Ross.



Addendum:
Keynote Address presented at the commemoration for Martin Luther King, Jr., Texas Woman’s University, January 15, 1991, by Dr. Ortego y Gasca:

In a Letter to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., I wrote:

Dear Dr. King:
I was flattered and honored when asked to speak on the occasion of your birth. I said “yes” imme­diately, but on reflection wondered what I could say that has not already been said? Thinking on it, I remembered a poem by John Milton on the death of his dear friend whom he identified as Lycidas in the verse. It is a paean to his departed comrade and be­gins with “Once more, O ye laurels.” I realized how apt an epigraph that was in commemorating this day the nation has set aside to remember you and your work.
And though you were honored with the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1967, and your work was re­spected abroad, you received few laurels from your coun­trymen, save from those who rallied to your cause. But it was not “your” cause you bore, but the cause of humanity. Many did not realize that then, and far too many still do not.
Yes, forty-seven of the states have memorialized your work by establishing holidays in your honor, but mean-spiritedness persists in three. And in those states that have a Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday, things are not as they could be. But you know that already. Perhaps you knew even then–in the tumultu­ous days of yore–that the seeds of brotherhood some­times take longer to bloom in some hearts than in others.
Iknow about equality. Just as you knew about equal­ity. We traveled that road together. Not on the actual stones, but on the shoulders of that same road. For blacks and browns could not set foot thereon when we were young. Though I was born a few years earlier than you, we are of the same generation, the same clay.
The schools of our day segregated us by color. Mexican Americans and Indians were placed in schools separate from blacks and whites. Our names were changed from Carlos to Charlie and Felipe to Philip. I repeated the first grade twice because I start­ed school speaking only Spanish. School coun­selors in the Mexican-Dixon region of the Hispanic south-west did not encourage Mexicans in academic pursuits. Instead I was shunted into shop courses, manual train­ing to ready me for the work Mexican Ameri­cans were expected to perform. I dropped out of school in 1943 after the 9th grade and joined the Marines. I survived World War II.
And if we spoke Spanish on the school grounds, we were punished corporally and detained after school until we mended our ways and became good English-speaking Americans. But you know that. Just as you know that we could not eat in white res­taurants either. We too were segregated in movie theaters, and institutions like the YMCA had “Mexi­can quotas”–if they let us in at all. In cities like El Paso and San Antonio where we were the majority populations, we had no political visibility–poll taxes and English literacy requirements kept us politically impotent.
Municipal cemeteries would not bury us. Like blacks, we too had separate burial grounds. Except for those of us who did not look Mexican, miscege­nation laws kept us separated from Anglos. The 1947 Westminster v. Mendez ruling in California and the 1948 Delgado v. Bastrop ruling in Texas declared segregated schools for Mexican Americans in those states unconstitutional. Both cases were criti­cal precedents in the 1954 Supreme Court ruling on Brown v. Board of Education. Many schools, however, defied that Supreme Court ruling.
It is the same road our people have traveled. In 1896, the year the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Plessy v. Ferguson that blacks could be separated from whites and some 10 years before the founding of the NAACP, Mexican Americans organized the Alianza Hispano Americana to help them in their half-century struggle for civil rights. In 1929 another Mexican American organization came into being, LULAC (League of United Latin American Citizens), to pick up the baton for Mexican American civil rights. Yes, our people have traveled the same road.



La desigualdad se agranda

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Muros y Puentes

Sin justicia no hay paz
Por Raúl Caballero García

Los noticieros televisivos la mañana del miércoles 21 de septiembre transmitían la noticia desde todos sus ángulos, pero no hay tantas vueltas que darle: Otro negro, Keith Lamont Scott, cayó muerto por las balas de policías; el hecho provocó nuevos disturbios anoche en Charlotte, Carolina del Norte, en protesta porque Lamont Scott es el enésimo negro desarmado -según se destaca de la versión familiar- que ha sido muerto a balazos de la policía.

Keith Lamont Scott (de 43 años), de acuerdo a la información difundida por diversas agencias, efectivamente no estaba armado, leía mientras esperaba a que un hijo suyo saliera de la escuela, o sea en las manos tenía un libro no un arma.

Ayer al atardecer cuando se supo la noticia comenzaron las manifestaciones, creció la tensión cuando la policía bloqueó una marcha, en las imágenes transmitidas se observan policías equipados de arriba abajo y todos con macanas en las manos, en tanto los manifestantes llevaban carteles donde se leía “Dejen de matarnos”, “Las vidas de los negros también importan”, “Sin justicia no hay paz”, entre otros mensajes. Otras imágenes mostraron cómo la policía dispersó a los manifestantes con bombas de gas, por lo que les respondieron con piedras. Hubo heridos de los dos bandos.

La tensión racial en el país no disminuye. Los acontecimientos de anoche en Charlotte se dieron a pocas horas de que se reveló un video en el que se ve cómo la policía de Tulsa, Oklahoma, mató a otro afroamericano, Terence Crutcher (de 40 años), desarmado y con las manos en alto, el pasado viernes 16.

La creciente violencia de la policía contra ciudadanos negros y la reacción, también violenta, de los negros contra los abusos de la policía se han vuelto un asunto cotidiano en este país. La brutalidad policiaca y la violencia de organizaciones de negros vienen marcando la historia nacional desde hace décadas. Si le escarbamos un poco veremos los horrores del pasado, los linchamientos siempre presentes en la colectividad, entre otras abyecciones, y es que todo aquello quedó soterrado a mediados del siglo pasado, pero nunca desapareció.

Hoy con un negro en la Casa Blanca pensábamos que comenzaría a ser distinto, pero no fue así. Apenas Barack Obama tomó posesión se dieron los reacomodos políticos en las cámaras legislativas, los demócratas perdieron la mayoría en ambas cámaras, el Partido Republicano (PR) pasó a dominarlas, se les filtró el llamado Tea Party (grupo extremista), sus representantes levantaron el muro del “no”, se opusieron a cada propuesta del primer mandatario, se recorrieron a la extrema derecha, afloraron múltiples grupos racistas y blancos supremacistas como satélites del partido y éste se vino convirtiendo en otro muy distinto, donde hasta los conservadores moderados eran mal vistos -el PR hoy está dividido y su cúpula no tuvo más remedio que sostener a su Frankenstein: el impresentable Donald Trump-.

El racismo y la discriminación racial han vuelto a ser una constante. Obama lo ha reconocido, una y otra vez en el marco de casi cada afroamericano muerto por policías. Las brechas culturales no sólo persisten, al parecer se ensanchan sin control… y eso es un retroceso social de cuidado -el pleito de las actuales campañas por la Presidencia son resultado de todo eso-. El racismo aquí está, la desigualdad se agranda, en todas sus formas, la desigualdad en los ingresos, la desigualdad evidente en el desempleo -son temas que deben exponerse en las campañas políticas- pero las que son motivo de estas líneas, la desigualdad en el trato de la policía a blancos y minorías (no sólo los negros reciben trato diferente) y la desigualdad en la justicia penal no sólo deben debatirse, quienes están a favor de recomponer estos asuntos, de alcanzar una reforma que equilibre la aplicación de la justicia, deben convertirse en otra prioridad nacional tan importante como el asunto de la inmigración, del que también se derivan graves problemas sociales.

El caso pues es que hoy la relación entre blancos y negros sólo viene empeorando y así seguirá si no hay una reforma del sistema de justicia criminal, hay voces incluso de jefes de departamentos policiacos que reconocen la necesidad de preparar mejor a los policías, e igual, es imperativo crear puentes con las comunidades y barrios para que resurja una duradera reconciliación. Pero ciertamente todo eso depende ya de la sucesora de Obama.

Es probable que la problemática derivada del racismo nunca desaparezca del todo, pero es posible mantenerla a raya, es posible alcanzar una concordia nacional que supere lo irracional, es posible restaurar todo lo ganado desde la visión de Abraham Lincoln, restituir la solidez de lo logrado durante las luchas por los derechos civiles y sí, sí creo posible recuperar y preservar lo mejor de nuestra civilidad.



Raúl Caballero García es escritor y periodista regiomontano; para comentarios: caballeror52@gmail.com.

The scholar among the “Twelve Apostles”

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Profiles in Latinidad



Arturo Madrid: Educator, Mentor, Champion of Latino Literature

By Roberto Haro

It is important to celebrate the accomplishments of a remarkable man, a pioneer, an erudite spokesman for Latinos in our society, and a national leader in different ways. It is not the intent of this piece to catalog the accomplishments of this outstanding individual. That has already been done. Rather, these comments will be ad hominem to underscore why he is such a special person.
Arturo Madrid is one of those rare individuals who comes along once in a generation. From humble beginnings in New Mexico, he achieved much as an academician, and as a trailblazer and role model for so many in our society. Anyone who has read his impressive book, In the Country of Empty Crosses: The Story of a Hispano Protestant Family in Catholic New Mexico (Trinity University Press: San Antonio, 2012) will appreciate the double helix challenges he faced and overcame. (Arturo now lives in San Antonio, Texas.)
Latinos, an inclusive term used to include people from or with ancestral ties to the Caribbean, Central and South America who share a common linguistic and cultural background are an ethnic minority in most places in the United States. In some geographical and politically defined areas, they are now a significant majority. However, where Arturo was raised, he and his family were marginalized in two senses.
First, they were part of an ethnic minority, and second, they were among a lesser group of religiously oriented folk in New Mexico. Arturo has often spoken about being one of the “others.” For some, that meant he and his family were part of a marginalized ethnic minority. But for those who know him, and have read his book, he and his family were the others in a double sense. Marginalized by the larger society because of ethnic origin may be a sufficient challenge for many. But practicing a faith different from that of the local ethnic enclave is an added burden. Faced with these obstacles, Arturo endeavored to persevere and succeeded in becoming, a respected scholar, and an exemplary leader.
Consider for a moment what Arturo achieved when he earned the Ph.D. He became one of the “Twelve Apostles,” a term of respect and endearment that several Chicano scholars, especially the inscrutable Tony Burciaga, used to refer to that select group of Latinos who earned their doctorates and became leaders in American higher education. Because of their efforts, these early Latino pioneers in education opened pathways to higher educational attainment for many young Latinas and Latinos. In this sense, Arturo contributed much as a teacher, as an astute spokesperson for our community, and as a change agent.
Consider what Arturo did as a teacher. There have been few scholars responsible for opening the minds of students at American universities by introducing them to the literary expressions of an important and expanding ethnic minority. Whether by assignments or recommendations, Arturo made college students and others aware of Latina and Latino writers.
His approach was to highlight and underscore the wealth of literary expression that our essayists, poets and novelists prepared. At the time he was doing this, few others in major research institutions were doing so. Instead, it was chic to do research and prepare treatises on Latino writers from Spain, the Caribbean, and South America. Meanwhile black literature that expressed their experiences in America was just beginning to draw the attention of researchers, scholars, and graduate students.
Arturo began a consciousness raising movement in his teaching, writing and speaking engagements. His goals were controversial, and even considered radical, when he began to kindle an awareness of Latino literature in America, and the contributions of Latina and Latino writers. This sentience stimulated several important activities.
The experience of Latinos in the US was a victim of benign neglect by scholars in the traditional disciplines. Historical treatises had been written by American scholars that briefly made mention of the “Spanish speaking” and “Hispanics” in the US. It was little more than condescension. Arturo, and a few of his colleagues, changed that. They taught and informed anyone who would listen about Latina and Latino essayists and poets and their contributions to American literature. Librarians at colleges and universities were among the first groups to tap into these writings because of Arturo’s efforts.
Library collections at colleges and universities like UC Berkeley, UCLA and the University of Texas at Austin soon developed programs to collect, catalog and organize Latino literature. By 1970, public librarians began to consider the works of Latino novelists and poets based on what they heard from scholars like Arturo.
Gradually the major publishers and literary agents started to identify writers like Piri Thomas, Gloria Anzaldúa, Sandra Cisneros, Rudy Anaya, Américo Paredes, Lorna Dee Cervantes, and Tomas Rivera. By the mid-1970s, poets like Alurista, Cherrie Moraga and Raul Salinas were recognized as significant writers. Wherever Arturo visited, lectured, or engaged in conversations with colleagues, friends, and influential people, he commented on the richness of Latino literary expression, and highlighted our established and promising writers.
Arturo was among the first scholars in American higher education to identify creative Latino writers and their contributions to American literature. And he did so at a time when Latino literary expressions were not considered significant by leading academics at major universities. He was, therefore, a substantial change agent. Arturo realized that a structural effort was required to ensure that our literature was recognized, organized, and preserved for access and dissemination to a wide audience. And he understood that elevating the Latino experience in America through scholarship and especially artistic and cultural expression was essential for this body of knowledge to achieve its proper place in American culture and history.
To improve the information and knowledge about Latinos in this country, and find ways for our people to achieve leadership roles, Arturo made a decision to approach key decision makers. What did he decide to do and why? In his classic book, The Power Elite (1956), C. Wright Mills postulated a theory about how power and influence were exercised by the interwoven interests among the corporate, military and political elites. To introduce new ideas and perspectives about Latinos that would lead to desired change, of necessity, American elites had to be involved. This Arturo accomplished by becoming involved with influential decision makers in the foundations, and among leaders who served on policy boards of national organizations.
Penetrating the governing boards of significant national organizations that influence and condition the economic, political and social directions and activities in this country is a complex and challenging process. To achieve any measure of success in such an endeavor not only requires keen intellect, but patience, tolerance and above all tact. Gradually, Arturo became known and respected by influential foundations like Carnegie and Ford, and by leading national associations like Educational Testing Service and The Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation.
By determination, erudite expressions, and wit, he gained the confidence and respect of key board members within these national associations. He was and continues to be a magnificent Latino ambassador to our nation’s elites, and a successful explicator of the unique Latino experience in the US. Moreover, he explained the heterogeneity of the Latino community.
Statisticians love to aggregate data to establish broad categories that are expedient for their purposes. However, such numerical compilations result in descriptors that for the sake of convenience tend to skew perspectives about people. Perhaps the classic example of this process is the way the term “Spanish Speaking” was developed by the Bureau of the Census to pigeonhole Latinos.
When that term was challenged, the Bureau of the Census devised a new term, “Hispanic,” to categorize Raza. Both terms were used to define and group Latinos in the US as a monolithic entity when in fact our differences are substantial. And it was done with vigorous objections against it by Leo Estrada, then a senior member of the Bureau of the Census, and without any significant input from leaders in different Latino communities. It was such policy decisions made at the national level that often led to misperceptions about who Latinos are.
Arturo helped to challenge these prevailing stereotypes, and was instrumental in helping national leaders and policy makers understand and appreciate the norms and orientation of different enclaves within the Latino communities in the US.
Questioning a bureaucracy as large and powerful as the Bureau of the Census can be a herculean task. Yet, Arturo and a precious few of his peers did so, but not without subtle and overt forms of opposition and resistance. It is worth mentioning that even though Arturo challenged the federal government, its leaders were sufficiently impressed by his efforts to hire him at a later date.
The above accomplishments by Arturo surface two other aspects of his special status in the Latino community, and in the larger society as well. He is a unique leader and mentor. Respected for his academic endeavors and knowledge, Arturo was selected for leadership roles in several major organizations. As the founding CEO for a new endeavor, Arturo demonstrated an acumen for progressive management and organizational development. His impressive performance as a CEO reveal the qualities that constitute a mature and successful leader.
Under his direction, the Tomas Rivera Center achieved national prominence as an outstanding educational policy institute. It placed research about Latinos in the US on a new plateau that drew the attention and support of major foundations and funding bodies. And in his activities as a leader there was imbedded the dedication to helping others. These are visible indicators that the personal and professional qualities that made him an outstanding teacher and leader, also contributed to his role as a superb mentor.
Too many nationally recognized scholars and academicians known for their subject expertise and focused research have neither the time nor the desire to work closely with students and promising new professionals. The path to success at major research universities is predicated on winning grants, publishing research in the best scholarly journals and in university presses.
Few research universities recognize or reward scholars for mentoring. Latinas and Latinos are a small percentage of students engaged in programs leading to the Ph.D. at the most elite universities in the US. Many of these Latinos bemoan the lack of adequate mentoring while doing their doctoral graduate work. It is in this area that Arturo has been a remarkable resource for these and other students.
In his various capacities as a faculty member, academic administrator, organizational leader, and board member, Arturo has always found time to interact with students in meaningful and constructive ways. He is known as someone dedicated to helping students and others sort through the numerous challenges they face in achieving their goals. Whether as an inspirational speaker, as the leader of small group discussions, or as a participant at an academic function, he has time to listen to students and others, including community activities and Latinos in elected or appointed public roles.
There is something about Arturo’s manner than encourages communication, and confidence. He is often searched out by people seeking advice regarding their educational ambitions, or other goals. A patient and keenly analytical thinker, Arturo listens carefully to those who ask his advice, or just relate their concerns. He makes time to fully comprehend the issues, and his responses are always measured and to the point.
In addition to this, he draws on his experiential knowledge to help. And where possible, he will direct a petitioner to a friend or colleague with the proper expertise. And when he does recommend someone, it is always an obliging person willing to help. And on numerous occasions, Arturo will follow-up and determine if the person who approached him for help has received the assistance she or he needed.
Mentors like Arturo are rare. The more progressive institutions of higher education have places and roles for accomplished, well rounded distinguished academics. Endowed chairs are established that provide enormous flexibility for the recipients to make significant contributions in their chosen endeavors. For some, they devote their time as holders of these chairs to do research, or travel to interact with other specialists like them in the production of new knowledge, or in new ways to organize knowledge.
And for others, like Arturo, it is a license to do all of the above plus meet and share with students, his colleagues, and others in formal and informal settings. It is through his travels and interactions with a wide spectrum of folk in our society that Arturo excels. He stimulates new ideas, and also channels the directions of people seeking new ways to communicate their perspectives with a broad audience. Arturo is a successful and articulate spokesperson for his perspectives about Latinos in the US, and as a conduit to those continuing to study and share their ideas about Latino communities across America. An often used cliché about the “Renaissance Man”is so appropriately descriptive of Arturo. While he may retire, this Renaissance Man will always be in our hearts and minds.


Roberto Haro, a longtime activist in education and social concerns affecting Latinidad, is an essayist and author of several novels dealing with war dramas, crime mysteries, historical fiction and romance. He lives and writes in Marin County, a part of the San Francisco Bay Area.

A movement not of a select few but of many

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1: Background to a Movement

What’s a Chicano? Depends.

No one ever owned existentialism. It has always meant different things to different people. It was never a single doctrine that was laid down definitively by one person or group. Each piece of writing about it is different, each bears an individual stamp. There was no single voice of authority, so its definition has always had blurry edges. ...It could be seen as a historical necessity or inevitability, an effort to adapt to a new confluence of cultural and historical forces.         —David Cogswell, Existentialism for Beginners

Odd as this may seem, if you remove “existentialism” from the above quote and replace it with “Chicano” you get a pretty good understanding of the term and its complicated place in Mexican American history. Armando Rendón, in his landmark 1970 book, Chicano Manifesto, wrote, “I am Chicano. What it means to me may be different than what it means to you.” More than two decades later, the Chicano poet and novelist Benjamin Alire Sáenz wrote, “There is no such thing as the Chicano voice: there are only Chicano and Chicana voices.” To this day, the term “Chicano” maintains its blurry edges, but it continues to reflect a meaningful way of thinking about the confluence of cultural and historical forces—in short, about life.
Many activists in the Chicano Movement pointed to an etymology of the word “Chicano” rooted in the clash between Spain and Mesoamerica, specifically the Spanish conquest of the Valle de Mexica and its people, the Mexicas (more commonly known as the Aztecs), in the 16th century. Mexica was pronounced Meshica, but lacking a letter equivalent, the Spaniards changed the “sh” to an “x”—hence Mexica, or México, or Mexicanos. Shicano was simply short for Meshicanos. For these early activists, then, the term Chicano served two purposes: it made a connection not only to their Mexican roots, but also to their indigenous past. Compare that to the term “Hispanic,” which many Chicanos rejected because it references only the connection to Spain, basically negating half an identity and history.
Historically, however, most Mexican Americans knew the word Chicano through its common usage, mainly as a derogatory label for Mexicans who had become “gringofied,” linguistically and culturally, when they immigrated to the United States. Pocho, literally meaning rotten fruit, was another common label. These terms indicated a people stuck in between, who were neither American nor Mexican, who could speak neither proper English nor proper Spanish, who had forgotten their Mexican culture as they adopted the values and attitudes of North American society—in essence, a lost people. Never to be truly American, lapsed as Mexicans, they were a people without a country.
But Mexican Americans also used the term Chicano to describe themselves, and usually in a lighthearted way, or as a term of endearment, maybe even as self-effacement. Doing so expressed awareness that they had not just departed from or forgotten their Mexican origins, but that they had actually become a unique community. When Mexican Americans began identifying as Chicanos, it was a form of self-affirmation; it reflected the consciousness that their experience living in between nations, histories, cultures, and languages was uniquely and wholly theirs. This is what gave birth to a sense of community, a people: los Chicanos.
Lastly, and maybe most importantly, civil rights activists who called themselves Chicanos emphasized the fact that it was a name not given to them or placed on them by an outsider, but a name that they had chosen themselves. That choice reflected the Movimiento’s greater goal of self-determination, standing up against and rejecting the Mexican American community’s long-suffering history of racism, discrimination, disenfranchisement, and economic exploitation in the United States (more on that soon).

Dinner Party for El Movimiento

Let’s say this is not a book but a dinner party where you invite all the key figures from the Chicano Movement to discuss their role in this tumultuous period. Unfortunately, the evening would already be off to a bad start. Why? Well, you couldn’t possibly invite everyone, but you’d be expected to. One of the main currents of the Movimiento was to bring attention to all the struggles of the Mexican American community—whether those of a soldier in the Vietnam War, a fieldworker in California, or a university student—and seeing them as one. And what is a dinner party if not an affair that includes a chosen few and excludes others?
But we get past that. Your dinner party must proceed, space is limited, and a guest list is in order. You definitely want to invite César Chávez, a national hero on par with other inspirational leaders whose faces have graced the cover of Time magazine, stamps, and countless posters in grade-school classrooms. Dinner with César alone would be intimidating, so you attempt to balance his saintly demeanor with that of his sister in nonviolence, the rabble-rouser Dolores Huerta.
The duo is first to arrive, and your dinner party and history lesson are solidly underway. Dolores leads the conversation, and soon you have a thorough understanding of the United Farm Workers (UFW) and their struggle against powerful and exploitative California growers. But you’re surprised to learn that César never considered himself a Chicano leader; nor did most of his fellow farmworkers consider themselves Chicanos. But before you can ask him to explain, in walks a man who effusively announces that he is the cricket in the lion’s ear, none other than Reies López Tijerina from New Mexico.
In the manner of a soapbox preacher, Reies launches into a long discourse on his efforts to reclaim the lands stripped away from the Indo-Hispano people of New Mexico following the Mexican-American War and the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (which granted the United States about half of Mexico’s territory). Reies recounts in vivid detail his persecution at the hands of New Mexican authorities, but after a half-hour and no signs of stopping, you begin to worry that no one else will be able to get a word in edgewise. Reies is in the middle of his story about the ill-fated Tierra Amarilla courthouse raid of 1967 when he is interrupted by the arrival of Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzalez, who, by way of introduction, begins reciting his epic poem of Chicano identity, I am Joaquín.
When Corky finishes his fiery recitation, he announces, much to your consternation, that participants of the Chicano National Youth and Liberation Conference have followed him all the way from Denver, Colorado. As if on cue, in walks a group of boisterous young people, many of them with long hair and wearing ponchos and overalls. They quiet down only when you answer their calls for pens and paper so they can work on updating the goals of their so-called “spiritual plan.” 
Just as you’re about to make your way back to the dinner table, a young man introducing himself as José Angel Gutiérrez walks through the door accompanied by yet another large group, this one hailing from Crystal City, Texas. Carrying lawn signs and campaign buttons, they identify themselves as members of La Raza Unida Party. When you explain that there are not enough seats at the table, they make their way to the living room, where they find a telephone (the old rotary kind) and take turns calling potential voters.
With all the hubbub, you almost miss the arrival of a quiet, distinguished-looking man, a little older than most in attendance, who appears out of place. He introduces himself as the Los Angeles Times journalist Ruben Salazar. But before you can show him to the table, the front door opens and in walks a cadre of stern-faced young men and women, all dressed in khaki and brown. They stand at attention like soldiers in formation and bark out that they are the Brown Berets, defenders of the Chicano barrio.
The house is ready to burst, and you cringe as more commotion outside draws you to the window. You hear chants.
“What’s going on?” you ask, afraid to open the door.
A participant of the youth conference informs you that the Chicana Caucus has organized a protest against your dinner party on account of the fact that so few women were invited. Soon the protesters make their way inside, and between their chants decrying patriarchy and demanding that their voices be heard, Corky reciting his poem again (upon request), the youth reading one platform after another, the pollsters making phone calls, and the general din of one explanation after another of this and that event, you can hardly hear yourself think. At wit’s end, you cry out that what you wanted was a quiet little dinner party for the leaders and luminaries of the Chicano Movement to fill you in on the important events and ideas, that invitations had been sent out, and that the invitations did not say “plus one” or “plus two” and certainly not “plus fifty” and that you’d appreciate if everyone left at once.
     Suddenly there is silence. Someone, you don’t know who, says that if quiet is what you wanted then you’ve missed the point of a movement. You are unswayed. Guests, both invited and uninvited, begin to file out. You avoid César Chávez’s eyes. When everyone has departed, you begin putting the house back together. Just as you’re finally catching your breath, you’re startled to hear the front door swing open.


<<<<<<>>>>>

4: Escalation: Youth Mobilization, Militancy, and Conflict

While the emergence of the Chicano Movement certainly owed much to individual leaders and organizations, it’s important to know that this was not a movement of a select few but of many—and most of them were young people. César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, Reies López Tijerina, and Corky Gonzales certainly inspired Mexican Americans across the country, giving visibility to the community’s struggles against poverty, discrimination, and racism, and to its general marginalization in Anglo society. But what made the Chicano Movement a movement was what young Mexican Americans did with that inspiration. Influenced by a multitude of factors—experience working with federal antipoverty programs, exposure to the African American civil rights struggle, protests against the Vietnam War, and awareness of Third World anticolonial and liberation struggles (such as the Cuban Revolution)—young Mexican Americans began to mobilize and form their own organizations on college campuses across the Southwest.

In 1964, Armando Valdez organized the Student Initiative (SI) at San José State College, the first student organization to focus on the needs of Mexican Americans. Two years later, the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) was established at St. Mary’s College in San Antonio, Texas, and the Mexican American Student Organization (MASO) was founded at the University of Texas at Austin. Chapters of United Mexican American Studies (UMAS) were formed on numerous campuses in Los Angeles, and the Mexican American Student Association (MASA) was launched at East Los Angeles Community College. In Northern California, the Student Initiative at San José State College changed its name to the Mexican American Student Confederation (MASC), and subsequent chapters were established at other area colleges and universities, including the University of California, Berkeley, in 1968.
Although organizations such as these continued to proliferate, their goals were in no way uniform. All of them emerged out of a need to give Mexican American students a voice. Far from radical, most of the organizations believed, like the Mexican-American Generation before them, that education was the key to success. They worked for recruitment and retention, sought out Mexican American professionals to fund scholarships, and organized around electoral politics. But as the 1960s civil rights struggle gave way to more militant mass protests (epitomized by the Black Power movement) and as the likes of Tijerina and Gonzales espoused a more confrontational philosophy, some Chicano youth groups began to eschew middle-of-the-road politics and activism.
At first, student activists played a supportive role. They invited Chávez, Tijerina, and Gonzales to speak on their campuses, they organized caravans to bring food to the striking farmworkers in Delano, and they helped provide much-needed manpower at supermarket picket lines to support the grape boycott. As more students began to identify with Chicanismo—the Chicano worldview and ideology—and as cultural nationalism engendered a more critical view of traditional “Mexican American” identity, they began to coalesce around issues that impacted them directly as students and as urban youth, such as the failures of the educational system, police brutality, and the war in Vietnam. In 1968, with student demonstrations exploding around the world, many Chicano students began to believe that they were not just supporters of the Movement but a driving force.

Student Walkouts and the Brown Berets

On the morning of March 3, 1968, students at Lincoln High School in East Los Angeles walked out of their classes. Later in the day, some 10,000 Chicano students from area high schools joined them, crippling the largest school district in the country and bringing the full weight of law enforcement against them. The students carried signs that read “Chicano Power” and “Viva la Revolución” (Long Live the Revolution), but their demands were hardly radical. Led by Sal Castro, a Lincoln High School teacher, they called for the elimination of discriminatory school policies and racist teachers; they sought a curriculum that addressed Mexican American history and culture; and they wanted more Mexican American faculty members and administrators. With high school dropout rates near 50%, students were calling out a school system that had failed them, rather than that they had failed.

College students from nearby universities, including members of UMAS, joined the striking students, handing out picket signs and assisting organizers with their list of demands. The Brown Berets, a nascent Chicano self-defense organization, showed up in case police tried to intimidate the students. In all likelihood, their presence only increased police aggression. With the media spotlight on East Los Angeles, law-enforcement officers attempted to disperse students at Roosevelt High School, who claimed their legal right to demonstrate. The situation quickly escalated into outright violence, as officers of the LAPD were captured on film brutally beating student demonstrators. Parents and community members, many of whom had been skeptical of the students’ tactics, were swayed to their side. The police response was clearly incommensurate and incompatible with student demands for better treatment and a more equitable system.
The walkouts, or “blowouts” as they were called, led to the formation of the Educational Issues Coordinating Committee (EICC), composed of parents, community members, high school students, and members of UMAS. Together with the strikers, the EICC pressured the board of education to hold a special session to hear student demands. There were 36 demands in all, ranging from bilingual education and better facilities to community control of the schools. On March 28, some 1,200 people attended a community meeting held at Lincoln High, where board members listened to student and parent grievances and claimed to be sympathetic, but denied any prejudice in the allocation of funding and claimed to have insufficient resources for the proposed changes. Two weeks later, the EICC, frustrated at the lack of response or concrete action on the part of officials, led a group of 800 protesters to occupy school board offices.

Chicanas and Chicanos in Higher Education

The 1960s and the Baby Boom generation saw more Mexican Americans on college campuses than ever before, aided in part by War on Poverty initiatives such as the Educational Opportunity Program (EOP), which actively recruited Mexican Americans, and the GI Bill, which assisted veterans. As Mexican American college students nationwide became politicized and formed student organizations focused on issues impacting the Mexican American community, they also began to seek ways of changing institutions of higher learning themselves. Inspired by the implementation of Black Studies, Chicanos pushed universities to form Chicano Studies departments, which would reflect not just their culture and history but also their ethos of activism and community accountability.
In spring 1968, shortly after the East Los Angeles blowouts, Mexican American students at San José State College staged a walkout during their commencement exercises. It was the first Chicano student protest on a college campus. That fall, students at San Francisco State College organized the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF), a mixed-minority organization that called for campus reform and the creation of a Third World College, including a Raza Studies Department. The TWLF also pushed for the admission of more minority students in an open admission process. Using sit-ins, mass-meetings, and a general strike, the TWLF effort was one of the first significant examples of Chicanos uniting with other minority or Third World activists to demand change. Lasting from November 1968 to March 1969, the strike resulted in violent clashes between students and police, but it ultimately succeeded in gaining better minority recruitment and admission policies, as well as the first College of Ethnic Studies.
In January 1969, the TWLF strike spread across San Francisco Bay to UC Berkeley, where this time Mexican American students were at the forefront of the strike, along with African American, Asian American, and Native American classmates. They issued many of the same demands as their peers at San Francisco State, including a Third World College focused on understudied histories, as well as sufficient resources to carry out community-based work. The new college would also be fully controlled by students, faculty, and community representatives. In essence, like Chicano activists across the country, they were calling for community self-determination, but this time within the university context.
Lasting several months, and sparking even more violent confrontations with law enforcement—including National Guard occupation of the campus—the strike led directly to the creation of the first Ethnic Studies Department in the country, at Berkeley.
As Chicano students forged alliances with Third World activists in Northern California, Chicano students in Southern California gathered for a conference at University of California, Santa Barbara that aimed to unify Chicano student activism and formulate a forward-thinking plan for Chicanos in higher education.
  

Maceo Montoya, an Assistant Professor of Chicana/o Studies at the University of California, Davis, teaches courses in Chicano Literature and the Chicana/o Mural Workshop, and is director of Taller Arte del Nuevo Amanecer (TANA), a community-based art center in Woodland, California. He is the author of several acclaimed works of fiction, such as The Deportation of Wopper Barraza, University of New Mexico Press (2014), and an artist whose works have been widely exhibited and used as book illustrations. Chicano Movement for Beginners may be purchased from the publisher, For Beginners LLC (forbeginnersbooks.com), or from your favorite bookstore or online booksellers.

Where the Sun Has Been

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Somos en escrito The Latino Literary Online Magazine

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Photo captured effect of partial lunar eclipse on June 4, 2011 as it shown through leaves 
of an oak tree against a wall. Copyright Armando Rendón





















Flashback: Originally posted November 18th, 2011

FOUR CALIFORNIA TRIBES SPEAK TO US

ByMarcelo Hernandez Castillo

1. Tarahumara:
The native tribe of the north
where the desert swallows
a hundred suns each day
and each day, leaks back
one less sun until the night’s presence
seems all the days ever there were.

2. Tarascos:
Valley tribe of the Sierra Madre
at war with the silences
of their diminished gods
or at war with themselves;
makes no difference if you’ve seen them.
These are my mother’s Duendes,
Tacuaches, Aguila Real spilling
sunlight from their clay jar-
ras into the jagged mountain
side of Zacatecas.
  
3. Yaki:
Means lose the sun or hide it;
means store what’s left of it
in a giant hyssop.
Northern tribe, your name
like mushrooms clouded with doubt,
spores and a little death, your clay is brittle
under the vanishing sun.

4. Huichol:
You are the resurrected; the diminished.
There is no other way of saying this.
Lean into the creek
and wash your face
before you drown in it.

Marcelo Hernandez Castillo, who was raised in Yuba CityCalifornia, is currently the poetry section editor for Calaveras Station Literary Journal. His works have appeared in Locus Point, Carcinogenic Poetry, The Legendary, Sex and Murder Magazine, Softblow Review, Puffin Circus, Psychic Meatloaf, and Calaveras Station, among others. He is studying creative writing at California State University Sacramento. This is a second poem of his in Somos en escrito. 

Hay perros que muerden la mano que los alimentan

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Chicano Confidential

It’s October 2016: the major league baseball playoffs are afoot,
and a finger is missing

By Sonny Boy Arias

Sonny Boy wrote this memoir right after the San Francisco Giants won a third World Series in 2014 and recalls it to us now in the middle of the 2016 playoffs. What that has to do with finding a finger sans hand lying in the street and dealing with two huge dogs while standing near Linda Ronstadt’s home in San Francisco is anybody’s guess.                                                   Editor’s Note

Following the exuberant parade in celebration of the San Francisco Giants’ well-earned third World Series in four years (2010, 2012 and 2014), a few dozen Chicanos who had spent time in the great Imperial Valley, Califas, held an intimate gathering for then pitcher, Sergio Romo, a native of Brawley, California, at the Pine Pub located on Pine Street just off Nob Hill in San Francisco.
In Sergio’s honor we all wore his favorite T-shirt that read, “I Just Look Illegal.” It was a hoot as I noticed gabachos peering in the windows, their smiles turning into grimaces. I think several of them were using their cell phones to call the immigration services to come and pick us up, but to no avail.
As we downed gallon-upon-gallon of Carta Blanca, Dos Equis and Modelo beer, about every five minutes someone would let out a grito, “Que viva Sergio!” and the crowd of half-baked Chicanos would respond, “Que viva!”
After a few hours, the fiesta was getting too good and it was too bad because I had a lunch appointment I couldn’t miss just a few blocks over in Pacific Heights. So as we said, “Adios!” my wife let out a few impressive gritos that caught everyone’s attention.
As she broke out into a few bars of the song, “Adios,” estillo Linda Ronstadt, guys began to swoon, maybe they were secretly gawking at her or remembering a salacious Linda Ronstadt in her prime. Letting out more gritos, we left and headed up to Pacific Heights, passing an old woman with what appeared to be her 150-pound Tibetan Mastiff; she smelled awful, too much fresh yet old perfume, sort of musty, make-up mixed with sweat, overwhelming. With the exception of the Chicano hair lotion, Tres Flores, I am sensitive to nearly all par-fu-matic smells so my gag reflex often kicks in when I least expect it.
I sought refuge in the dog’s smell, but his smell was also offensive as he smelled hairy and his growl beneath his face and jaw guard was very threatening—this somehow made him smell even more offensive, sort of like a bear. As we reached the next corner I looked down and spotted a finger amidst a small pool of blood seeping into the old San Francisco concrete adjacent to Lafayette Park, also known as “Dog Park.”
Upon first glance I assumed the finger was something else because my vision is not all that great, besides from a purely cognitive standpoint you don’t process things that are out of the ordinary very quickly, you just don’t. Besides we were in posh Pacific Heights not East Los Angeles, so seeing a finger on the sidewalk was hard for me to process in the split-second I saw it lying there, helpless, without a hand to attach it to; it was crying out for help, I could hear it crying out, “¡Ayudame! ¡Ayudame!”
When the finger was in full view, it was clear that it was in fact a human finger and my knee-jerk response was to walk past the finger and rationalize to myself that some things are better off left alone, and besides, “Boca cerada no entra moscas;” you know that feeling of simply “Not wanting to get involved.”
I was more than aware that my friend lived in the cul-de-sac adjacent to Lafayette Park, where some of San Francisco’s wealthiest and most famous people also resided: the famous writer, Danielle Steele and her fifteen or so children lived nearby in the Spreckel’s mansion, next door to the Chicana rock star Linda Ronstadt and across the cul-de-sac from her lived the heirs to the Hills Brother’s Coffee Corporation.
Only a couple of seconds had gone by when I decided not to pick up the finger and at the same time not tell anyone. As I said my goodbyes to the finger (basically in my mind giving it “the finger”), I took a few more steps as I rounded the next corner and suddenly as if out of nowhere out came this huge Tibetan Mastiff with his mouth wide-open. He scared the hell out of me and I froze. All I could think of was, “Perro que da en comer huevos, aunque le quemen el hocico.”
It looked just like the Tibetan Mastiff I had seen at the bottom of the hill barely restrained by the smelly woman; I figured it had gotten away from her and it was now coming after me. I was hoping it wouldn’t attack me because then I would have to kill it and then people would say “Ya que matas un perro te ponen mata perros!”
I was truly startled because I was in a wide-open space with nowhere to run and nowhere to hide, but suddenly all of that changed as I noted its attention was somewhat diverted by the blood and finger on the rather porous sidewalk and figured that once it ate the finger and lapped up the blood it probably wouldn’t come and eat me. The dog did come towards me in its own startled and confused way, much like its owner. All at once I didn’t know if I should be fearful or take advantage of the split-second distraction and take advantage of the exit strategy that would not normally be there.
As I crossed Pacific Street to make my way to the cul-de-sac to my friend’s house, the numbers on the red dotted street sign were counting down calling me to cross, “Corrale, pendejo! Corrale!” I could hear the smelly woman at the bottom of the hill yelling to the nearby dog in a big way, “Max, Maxie, come here boy, come here right now!” I could no longer hear the faint sound of someone warming up to sing musical scales within Linda Ronstadt’s house.
A few more seconds passed; a man suddenly came running towards me from the direction of the park. He had a bloody red soaked rag around his hand. It actually looked like a hand towel from the Fairmont Hotel. Somewhat portly, he was acting rather frantic, walking then running, sweaty, wearing a white cotton head band and ear phones, all the while holding his hand out. I thought, “Oh dear!” What else could I do?
So, I picked up my pace and asked if he needed some assistance, he said, “My dog, my dog has bitten off my finger!” Holy shit! I thought. “Should I tell him I found his finger and that it was lying lifeless on the sidewalk?” For a moment I thought about not telling him, picking up his finger and following him home for a quick reward, but I wasn’t quick enough to ascertain how much I should ask, fifty bucks or maybe five hundred bucks? What’s a finger worth these days anyway? There is a shop of oddities near the corner of Haight and Ashbury that has a couple of fingers for sale, I thought maybe I should pick it up and run!
I found the situation powerfully sobering, even more sobering than my personal formula for instant sobriety, eating a large bowl of menudo, a Mexican stew made with tripe. I grabbed the guy by the shoulders, looked him straight in both eyes and said, “Look, man, your finger is right there,” pointing down with my index finger, I’m certain he was experiencing a bit of shock as I could tell the way he focused on my finger as I pointed to his on the ground, he gave me the “look” as though I were somehow privileged to still have mine intact.
“Pick it up and take it with you to the hospital!” I exclaimed. He looked at me with great astonishment as I think he thought his dog had eaten it. Rather than pick up his finger, he fell to his knees. I thought he was going to pass out; instead he stooped over and examined it very carefully. He even got down on one knee and gazed at it without touching it just as his dog had done moments before. He was having a crisis, one moment he had been missing something, suddenly found it, and now didn’t really know what to do with it; in short he was having a lot of trouble dealing with the situation.
I could not see myself picking up the finger as I am a bit of a “germ-o-phobe,” and I didn’t have blue sanitized gloves or a plastic bag, so again, I grabbed this poor chap by the shoulders and insisted that he pick up his finger and get on to a hospital; the truth is, even in all this trauma and excitement I was overwhelmed with the idea that these strangers were taking up so much of my time and ruining my morning. I just wanted to be set free from the situation at hand or should I say, the “situation at finger.” Get the picture?
As he toyed with his own finger on the ever so steep sidewalk, I yelled to the smelly lady “Hey, hey, there has been an accident, your dog bit off your husband’s finger and he is bleeding, he needs your help!” She glared up the hill at me and said “What, what, my dogs need what? My husband needs what?” She actually acted annoyed with me as she appeared to be texting on her iPhone and didn’t want to be bothered with me just as I didn’t want to be bothered with her.
She made me want to simply grab the finger and run to the shop that bought oddities. As I looked down at the man again I noticed that he continued to toy with his finger, rolling it about, fingering it, if you will, as if to be saying to himself, “I need to be sure this is my finger. I refuse to pick it up unless I am certain that it is mine.”
I figured the guy was in shock and it was creeping up on him, and that for his own well-being I needed to be even more direct with him so I really gave it to him, “Look man, pick up your goddamn finger right now, did you hear me, pick it up right now and let’s get down the hill and to a hospital!” As I walked him down the hill his wife continued to be preoccupied with her iPhone.
When we reached her I asked where they lived, but she first gave me the “look” and she said in a whimsical manner, “What’s wrong with him (pointing to her husband)?” I said “It appears the dog, Maxi or Maxie, bit off his finger” and she replied, “Oh, it’s probably just a scratch” and like any dog owner in denial blurts, “Max wouldn’t hurt a flea.”
As I turned to walk away, she was being pulled in all directions by the giant Tibetan Mastiffs (it appeared the dogs were going to pull her apart). I said one last time, “Don’t forget to show the doctor your husband’s finger, it’s in his shirt pocket.” She turned, gave me the “look” once again and kept walking as if there wasn’t much to care about.
Following behind his wife into their apartment complex elevator, the man turned, saw me with my iPhone camera and stuck what was left of his index finger in the air, as if to say “goodbye” not even a “thank you” just “goodbye.” I responded with “Adios!” and my wife belted out two bars of the song “Adios!” estilo Linda Ronstadt. Because we were not far from Ronstadt’s home,we noticed an upstairs curtain open.
I think it was Linda there with that memorable shy, young girl look. As my wife sang beautifully, I almost threw my newly autographed baseball by Sergio Romo at her window--don’t ask me why.


Sonny Boy Arias is a stone-cold Chicano, who writes under the general rubric ofhistorias verdaderas mentiras auténticas–true stories and authentic lies. He has found this the most effective manner to convey his stories about Chicano life. Thisgives hisstories auniquefeel, even a droll weirdness. Follow his column, Chicano Confidential, in these pages.

Rosa Throws the Bull Around: Yiii-jaa!

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Somos en escrito The Latino Literary Online Magazine

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Illustration by Helene Thomas of Yakima, Washington

The most dangerous 8 seconds in sports

Excerpt from Rosa Ortiza—No Bull, from Batos and Dolls, a short story collection 

By Tommy Villalobos

“Never said I would,” Rosa Ortiza scolded her mirror.

What Rosa was telling her mirror was that she would stick with one Freddie Loosto only as far as she could dispatch him with one good patada. She never said she would go with him. He was just someone who came out of a fog and left in a thicker one.

But you know, Rosa was only seventeen and things could change. That notion (“things could change”) was resting on her mind like a fat, lazy cat ever since her mother said that one day when speaking about her father who spent a good part of his day daydreaming, never rising above minimum wage or the moment.

Freddie Loosto was slippery and wiggly. She was a young woman with sticky but restless fingers. Incompatibility highlighted with fanfare by fifty bugles and a piccolo.

Rosa was determined not to end up like that woman she heard about through that culturally unique grapevine—chisme. The referenced woman one sad day found out that her husband of ten years had been seeing an old girlfriend during those same ten years. The woman was amazed then confused then rattled then bummed out. She had been ignorant of the girlfriend for those ten years. She had trusted her husband. He had deceived her. She recalled that her husband during those ten years brought her flowers on Fridays, once a month. She then wondered how much more he brought to that girlfriend’s table.

The woman felt the betrayal of betrayals all the way to her spine. She gingerly walked up to the deck located outside of their second story bedroom and tossed herself onto her driveway only to land on her husband who was returning from seeing that same girlfriend (he later confessed).

The capsized wife survived with only a bruised elbow but she put the dude out of commission as an inamorato and he had to remain a faithful spouse from then on.

The marriage was saved, somewhat, but Rosa did not want the drama. No, she would find something else upon which to spend her energy.

And she did.

Rosa had an older girlfriend, Maria Bontuz Jones, who owned a barbershop, and whom she would visit during Maria’s slow hours, which occurred regularly. There, Rosa discovered her perceived purpose in life. At Maria’s Sport Barber Shop, she happened to flip through one of Maria’s men’s magazines. This one was titled No Bull. It was a magazine filled with pages of professional and amateur bull riders, those hearty, brave and/or crazy souls who get on a bull on purpose. Among the articles was one about an African-American bull rider who used bull riding to hurl himself from the ghetto and into the rodeo pits. There was another about several bull riders from Brazil who ranked in the top ten of U.S. bull riders without a word of recognizable English among them.

Rosa was fascinated. Maria’s voice gradually became a background drone much like the oldie rollas floating from Maria’s radio.

“Did you find a man in there?” asked Maria.

Rosa continued reading.

“Did you find two?” probed Maria.

“Huh?” said Rosa, looking up with glazed eyes.

“You look strange. Like what you’d look like if Luis Miguel stepped on one of your big toes. You know, happy, but thinking at the same time how much it hurts.”

“Huh?” said Rosa, still chucking bulls and bull riders in her head.

“¿Qué te pasó? Girl, what’s wrong with you? I never saw you like this. Well, maybe just the time you were talking to Ernest, the barrio lover, who asked you out and you said ‘yes,’ but then he got busted for all kinds of stuff and is caged at Folsom.”

“Oh. No, I was just thinking about something then something else.”

“I know. But what about what?”

“Just my future.”

“Looks like you were just thinking about a lot of people’s futures.”

“Well, the things we do always affect at least one person and maybe a pet.”

“Are you going away?”

“Sort of.”

Rosa had actually mapped out her future. She was going to be the first female bull rider (she later discovered that some chica had hopped onto a bull before her). She had an abuelita from way back who lived in Juarez and drove a buggy with one, sometimes two horses. Maybe that’s where her desire came from. Genes and splicing and all that, she thought.

Rosa left Maria scratching her head and headed for the wide-open spaces—East L.A.’s Belvedere Park for now. She sat on the grass and pictured herself riding a bull peacefully across the soccer field. Then she added a grandstand near the goal post, followed by gente cheering, most of them Raza. She even placed her abuelita from Juarez in the grand stand, waving a sombrero, stomping and whistling.

She would have to break the news to her parents and little sisters, Rina and Natasha. Rina was nine and Natasha was twelve trying to be twenty or so. Her dress and demeanor left childhood in the ashes. She surreptitiously gave away any clothes that made her look twelve after an hour and a whole box of matches trying to burn one rainbow dress a tía gave her for her twelfth birthday. The rainbow never ignited.

“Ma,” said Rosa, “I decided what I want out of life.”

“First, let me tell you what I want out of life. Put the salt on those beans and stir.”
Rosa complied.

“I want to ride bulls.”

“Bulls?”

“Professionally.”

“Is there money in that?”

“Don’t know. Or care.”

“Then get a good job and/or a husband first.”

“A husband is out. I want to ride a bull, not hear it.”

“There are good men out there. There has to be. Do the math.”

“Odds don’t favor it. I’m not a gambler, ma. But I will be a bull rider.”

Her father took the news as he took everything else in life: a bewildered amusement followed by an empty laugh. Then he turned on the TV.

“How come father didn’t say anything?” she asked her mother.

“Your father has little to say in or about life. You know that.”

“But this is a life changing event.”

“Not for him.”

At dinner, Rosa broke the news to her two sisters, who responded with blank stares as if Rosa had asked them the difference between osmosis and diffusion in, through and under green plant life, under normal conditions.

Then Rina, with firm spine, spoke.

“Who will help us do the dishes, sweep, take the garbage out and help grandma clean her casa?”

“I have to go,” Rosa said, although squirming in her seat as if Rina had dropped a cube of ice down her spine. “I’ve graduated from high school and I have to help the family. I’ll send money…when I can.”

Her mother and father continued eating as if Rosa had been mumbling to herself. Her father had to see things first before commenting. Her mother didn’t expect anything to change but to her credit, showed surprise when things did change on rare occasion.

After extensive research, Rosa explained the intricacies of bull riding to her mother who took those intricacies and flung them at her husband with an “¡Ay, no!” at the end. In response, he displayed the usual bewildered amusement followed by an empty laugh. Then he turned off the TV.

“I now know what you mean, Rosa,” said her mother in frustration and commiseration. “He really doesn’t react normally to life, does he?”

“What did you see in him, anyway?” said Rosa, as if speaking to a jilted girlfriend.

“He’s your father.”

“Right. You can’t un-ring a bell, water under the bridge and you done made your bed. This is just hypothetical. Wasn’t there anyone better around? You know, a bato with some personality?”

“It was his ojos.

“Those lifeless grey circles?”

“Almost a bright metallic when he was young. They were like those canicas my brothers prized, the Steelies.”

“Through the eyes of an aging but upbeat babe. But it could not just have been his eyes. I mean, what did he say to you that made your heart do the Nae Nae?”

“With a Power Move. It wasn’t so much what he said or even did. It came from here.” Her mother pointed to her heart as if pointing to an organ no one else possessed.

Rosa stared at her chest as if it was.

“It has to come from there,” her mother said while continuing to point at her chest proudly. “No matter what a man says, or does, or how much money he has, a woman knows whether it’s real or not. A man doesn’t care. He’s all business. The conquest occupies his mind, nothing else. An obsession. Like someone at a slot machine.”

Rosa pondered. She then went to her room and pondered some more.

She replayed her mother’s words. She then applied those words to her own manner of deduction: men now were of no importance to her. Bull riding was.

In her heart, she knew there was nothing in the world she would rather do than stay for eight seconds on a bull. Some say the most dangerous eight seconds in sports.

Months later, Rosa’s mother cried. Her father looked confused. Her little sisters appeared to be a cross between their mother (discontent) and their father (bafflement).

“But you’ve never been farther north of here than Disneyland,” pleaded her mother on the way to the bus station.

“Disneyland is south. I’ve been to Lake Isabella. That’s north.”

“See! You’ve never been very far from here,” reasoned her mother. Rosa thought that it must be fun being her mother.

At the bus station, she gave everyone three and a half industrious abrazos. She then grabbed her luggage as if was an uncooperative bull’s head and headed for the bus that would deposit her at the No Bull Riding Academy, lying just outside of Delano. She had worked at odd jobs, some very odd, for nine months for this bus ride and the fees the academy demanded in order to give one opportunity to break a bone or two.

The training classes, held amongst the echoes and aromas of the academy bulls, were meant to prepare the fourteen pupils but also to weed out the not-so-sure-I-wanna-be-here-afterall’s.

Rosa was given a creeping approach to bulls and what it takes to stay on one for more than a second. She first was warned not to hold onto the “bull rope” after the bull has flung her off, which was certain to happen they reminded her, because the bull rope was connected and attached to the bull’s front legs. This meant she would be dragged until the bull ran out of energy or got bored, neither likely to occur.

The time for her first ride arrived one rather cool morning. Rosa had to cowboy up, which in cowboy means to stiffen one’s backbone. Three trainees before her had been quickly removed off their respective bulls in various unkind methods bulls share strictly among them—in these three instances, jerked, shaken and bounced. It was eye opening for Rosa. She quickly reminisced of her time on a rented pony when she was five and how frightened out of her rented cowboy outfit she was. Self-doubt was whispering in her ear, but she was not sure which ear so she brushed both off. She then put on her riding helmet.

Several cowboys guided her in mounting the bull stationed in the gated steel chute. The bull’s name was Sunset. She clutched the bull rope with one hand. She also fought all instincts of self-preservation, for she wanted to hop from the bull and into a cowboy’s arms.

Sunset heaved and snorted rhythmically under her as if paid to do both. This massive 1,500-pound beast she was on emitted a surge of power with every snort. Every snort travelled through his body and up through hers and into her nostrils. She was afraid she’d start snorting uncontrollably. There was a reason why only men did this; she hypothesized—because they were men. Frail little girls from East L.A. shouldn’t be snorting around some faraway, smelly rodeo arena on a rude and crude animal.

She could feel his muscles ready to go to work, a stored fierce and potent force, a primeval reaching out to her, letting her know he would be in charge shortly and wouldn’t disappoint, ready to knock her cuerpo here and there so she wouldn’t forget Ol’ Sunset.

She looked up at one cowboy sitting right next to her on the fencing, which ran along the side of the chute. He winked at her in assurance. He appeared like an angel, un angel Méjicano. He was young, self-assured. She welcomed his gesture as she gulped a “What am I doing here?” to herself.

“How’re you feeling?” he asked.

“Is it too late to change my mind?” she asked with a nervous laugh, her voice sounding to her like an aged woman’s croak of madness.

“You’ll do fine,” he said. “A short fun ride. Keep your back straight. Keep your free arm out and away from the bull. And grip that rope tightly.” His voice was an even and soothing baritone with underlying firmness.

“Nod when you’re ready,” came from another cowboy who was the gatekeeper, “and I’ll open this gate so you can have the fun you paid for.”

All she could see now was each breath the bull was taking methodically in the now chilly morning air as he continued to heave and move side to side in the confines of the chute. The mist from his nostrils appeared to be the smoke from some fire burning within this frightening animal. The horns seemed to be glistening in front of her. His hide, hard, tough, felt as if should be hanging on a wall, not on a huge creature ready to frolic.

“Ready?” said the gatekeeper.

She gave a feeble nod.

The gate flew open.

As the gate flew open, Rosa felt a sudden elation known only to those who take on nature and her challenges around the globe. The bull joined in her elation as she felt the force of his body for one memorable second. The extraordinary second ended when she felt herself hurled somewhere, she couldn’t tell just where. The cowboys would tell you, nodding to each other that Sunset had chucked her mightily like an especially insignificant flea into the fencing. 

Rosa had just experienced a force unique to those in modern and ancient times who have been flung by various wild beasts for various wild reasons from Bengali to Nairobi and all points east and west.

She sat against the fence. She had a ringside view of the bull as he continued to kick his hooves this way and that, imagining Rosa the pulga still on board. He stopped and looked around, appearing disappointed as all get out. Several bullfighters (cowboys dressed somewhat as clowns meant to distract a distracted bull) helped her up and out of horn shot.

They let go of her. Rosa wobbled. One cowboy with an awe-inspiring walrus mustache grabbed her and said, “Give me your name, sir.” She was later to find out this was the doctor on hand required anytime folks are tossed like rag dolls from angry 1,000 pound+ animals.

“Rosa Ortiza,” she said as if not sure at all, taking off her helmet.

“Then take ten steps for me Miss Rosa then come back,” he said as if it was a daily routine for him to see a tiny Latina wobble away from a massive and fuming bull. She took the steps and felt fine when she reached him again. Later, she would suffer a back pain that would torment her far into two days, placated only by painkillers provided by the doctor and a promise to herself that she would never again ride, annoy, or upset another animal even down to a diminutive Pomeranian.

She looked around for a certain cowboy, the Méjicano, but failed to spot him. This was not like the movies where someone overcomes some obstacle, real or imagined, and then bumps into the person of interest for eyefuls of approving mutual stares accompanied by deep sighs, followed by a tender hug and a root beer with two straws.

Why wasn’t I born painfully shy, she asked herself the next day after she had changed her mind regarding bulls and their disturbing reactions to someone merely straddling their backs.

Her next time out, she added a second to her ride. She was disqualified because her free hand was touching the bull as the two shot forth from the chute and into the practice pen. She had been trying to soothe him since his name was Impatience. The very next second, he deposited Rosa right below a portion of the fencing where the Méjicano was staring down at her. He jumped down and helped her up. She, in turn, thanked Impatience, who obviously had a romantic streak wedged between all those snorts.

The Méjicano guided her back to safety but then disappeared in seconds. Everything happened in seconds around here, she reckoned.

She doubled her time in the third ride. She stayed on her bull, Notorious, a Brahma bull if there ever was one, for four seconds then realized where he got his name. He changed directions, forward and backwards or side-to-side. Then he discarded her like a paper cup in the middle of the pen. She bounced off and was sitting in the middle of the pen like a well-behaved discarded paper cup. She was also a sitting and easy target in the middle of a bulls-eye. Notorious was now rambling around the pen as if he had misplaced Rosa and was remarking to himself, “Now where did I put that fluffy little almohada?” He was aiming to place a grand punctuation mark somewhere on her hide.

She was lifted by two sturdy cowboys and carried to safety as a bullfighter ran back toward the chute with Notorious in heated pursuit. The bullfighter dodged to one side as the gate re-opened, welcoming Notorious who underscored his exit by butting a side post and rattling the gatekeeper, nearly knocking him off the fencing. Rosa was sure the impact could be heard all the way to the streets of Bakersfield.

Afterward, she looked for the Méjicano in every corner of the odorous hangout, finally asking an old cowboy if he had seen her Méjicano. He informed her that there were several roaming around. She said this one hung around the bull riding chutes. Jubilantly, he said, “Leonel!” as if he had just made up the name. But he added that he presently had no idea where Leonel planted his made in Leon, Guanajuato boots.

Her next ride, her fourth, was the ride of Rosa’s life. She drew Notorious again. She felt different that morning, she would later tell everyone. She said nothing in the chute to the surrounding cowboys before nodding her head firmly. Notorious was all business as well—out of the chute, he jumped as if leaping for the opposite side of the pen, Rosa feeling the impact on landing, for now it was her teeth that rattled within and without her mouthpiece, begging for release from her gums.

Notorious swayed, swerved, all the while kicking for the stars. He was using all his 1,623 pounds to convince Rosa to take up knitting. He swayed his head while pausing briefly, appearing to check to see if Rosa and her minimalist weight were still hanging on.

He resumed, kicking his hind legs as if wanting to do a “handstand” for the gathering. He turned his substantial head left then right then up, as if displaying his horns for Rosa’s benefit, in order to see if she would jump ship like the landlubber she appeared to be.

Her stomach now wanted its freedom. She forgot about the 8 Seconds. Rosa feared she had angered this bull more than any bull from Mexico City to Madrid ought to be. She stiffened her body, straightening her posture as Notorious headed for the closed gate, still jumping and kicking. Her eyes, two Grade AA, Jumbo eggs, sunny side up, were focused on the fast approaching steel gate. She reached out to the bull-riding world, shrieking, “Santa Maria, Madre de Dios.”

The 8-second buzzer buzzed just as Notorious stopped abruptly and impolitely before the gate as if desiring to fling Rosa over his horns and against said gate for easier pickins’. Instead of flying headlong into the gate, Rosa flew off to the right. She landed unsteadily on her feet, feeling the draft of one hoof as it missed her tailpiece by inches.

She tottered away from Notorious who was still kicking, busily earning his daily twenty pounds of alfalfa. The bullfighter cowboys in clown outfits distracted the wildly kicking and irritated bovine.

Rosa spotted Leonel then zigzagged toward him as if she had just downed nearly half a pint of brown vodka (aka Canadian whiskey).

“Congratulations,” he said, taking her hand and pumping her arm as if extracting oil from the ground upon which she stood. “You did it, the first one of the trainees to cover a bull. You stayed on that crazy animal for eight seconds.”

She looked at his ham-like hand into which her own disappeared until he released it.

“My name is Leonel,” he said, grinning, soulful brown eyes that seemed to be looking at her rapidly beating heart.

He was not too tall. Nor too short. Nor too anything. And she felt that his face belonged on every other cover of Latina magazine.

“I’m Rosa.” And I want you to carry me off into the sunset as soon as the next one shows up, she wanted to add but held off for a better moment.

“I stayed on him, didn’t I?” she said in a daze.

“You rode a rank bull. You rode not only a bull that fades, but is also a spinner. He spins in a tight circle.”

She became pensive, smiling, as if reliving her feat through Leonel’s quick summary.

“What made you want to ride bulls?” he then said.

“Huh?”

“The folks who normally sign up are trying to reaffirm their manhood or find themselves or lose themselves or have lost a love or found one. It’s a narrow category.”

“I just want to look people in the eye and say, ‘I’m Rosa Ortiza, I ride bulls for a livin’, no bull.’“

“You don’t mean that?”

“I do mean that.”

“You want to do this from now on?”

“Until I’m too silly for words.”

“Do you intend to go professional then?” he said.

“Of course. I discovered that the money is good, and I might become famous.”

“If you ride long enough, I guarantee you will be famous right along with Maggie Parker.”

“Who?”

“Maggie Parker. And Misty Studley in Canada. Heck, there were famous women bareback bronc and bull riders at the beginning of the twentieth century.”

Rosa’s lower jaw dropped, leaving her mouth a wide-open space. He was concerned that a fly might zip in for a look-see, since flies hung around here like a pack of hopeful gamblers in Las Vegas.

“What’s the matter? You look like you took a hoof to the stomach.”

“The matter is that I wanted to be the first female bull rider ever in the whole wide world.”
Leonel considered.

“You’ll be the first in East L.A.”

“Doesn’t have the same ring.”

Then Rosa considered.

“Do you bull ride?”

“Used to.”

“Why did you stop?”

“Went doun in th’uh well.”

“Went where?”

“I was on a bull that was spinning and the force of his spinning pulled me down the side of the bull headfirst where I stayed for what seemed like a rodeo lifetime. I was dragged around, my head finally hitting the ground, bouncing like a basketball. Then that extreme bull hooked me on my leg. I limped for a whole month. I had fair warning. That bull went after a bullfighter coming out of the chute. Don’t let that happen to you.”

“I won’t. I like bullfighters. Were you, like, in bed month after month, itching to take the bull by the horns, so to speak?”

“Just a month. But I had suffered a pretty good concussion,” he said taking off his cowboy hat as if to show her his concussion.

“It seems like you want to hop on the first bull that comes strolling by,” she said to his wavy hair.

“I was planning to, but I slipped in my apartment in the dark, hit my head on the kitchen sink and had another concussion. Doctor said that if I hit my head one more time on a bull or a sink, it could mean permanent unconsciousness or just another headache. The choice was mine. It’s a soul-testing experience.”

She thought it was time to change the subject.

“My bull was fading something fierce, huh?”

“Yeah, Notorious does that. Likes to go backwards as he bucks.”

“But I stayed on him,” she reiterated.

“I’d sing a corrido about it if I could sing a corrido about it.”

She decided to toss her heart at his feet to see if he would scoop it up. She slowly removed the thick, soft leather that was her rider’s glove. She looked at him affectionately and formed the words in her mind, then her lips.

“What do you do think about besides bulls?”

He thought.

“Brushing my teeth, dusting off my boots and mi madrecita.

She studied him. His face was as serious as if he were discussing the wide world of bulls. No hint of sarcasm, which she now felt he was incapable of whipping out in any of its diverse and annoying forms.

The mush of past movies set the stage. She listened like a captivated heroine as he went on about the features of bull riding and characteristics of bull belligerency. He espoused the rules, regulations, defeats and triumphs of bull riding like a prophet explaining the do’s and don’ts of life on the biblical prairie. Long before the last “durn” had been uttered, long before the last bull had been corralled for the night, Rosa decided this was the cowboy she wanted for a friend at her elbow.

Tommy Villalobos, who lives somewhere in Northern California, has a few e-books out, Lipstick con Chorizo, the story we serialized ala Carlos Dickens in Somos en escrito a few years ago, Love thy neighbor, Oro and Elo were Buddies, and Unos Marranos Plus Una Vibora Equals Romance. He has another droll Chicanesque novel in the works with the working title, Outline for Love. Look for his works on the e-book sellers row.

Tres Poemas Dirigidos al Amor

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Flashback: Originally published March 15th, 2014


Extracts from Love When You Say Love 

By Odilia Rivera Santos


Poem 114

We wait for nothing and vie for everything,
scrambling to not be left with hands empty.

An aspect of freefall overtakes our interactions, love.

Your mischievous nature lulls us into a sense
of childishness that we so long for, and
you use distractions to make us smile—
as a photographer does with puppet in hand.

And in this state we see something beyond
the ordinary, being seen ordinary without your spark.

The way this magic resides both in a human soul
and in tree bark from the simplest tree astounds me, love.

Even when you do wrong, you cannot really.

Would it not be too much for this sensation, pleasure,
flavor, and distance from cynics to last forever?

It might be best done the way most love is—
with passion and hunger assuaged by a delicate end.

As I sit near you and recite my troubles,
you are patient and kind, and then almost before
words are spoken, I retract the statement.

I do not mean to be a critic and to make
of our union something iniquitous.

Perhaps I will begin again with a line that suits
the romantic, as my true self should be.


Poem 78

I hold your words between my lips
and speak others while yours
dangle expectantly
and in the morning
upon rising
my first thought is of you
and the memory of your quick stride
as if the world were on fire.

Your gait expressing that desire
to be away and on to another race.

I wait with no anticipation because
I know too much to care too much
or don’t care to chase or get lost
down a wrong road running faster as signs
say it is the wrong direction
the wrong way—
are you listening?

I hold your words like crumpled
receipts in my pockets
unsure of what was said when
to whom
why
or where
and adding them up as an accountant would.

I wonder if I spent too much of what
was mine or yours or ours and if the account is empty.

I hold your words on my tongue
as light in darkness
a meal in hunger
a spring in winter.

Love, I hold your words dear.



I dedicate this poem to my country, Puerto Rico.


I sing the blues as I refuse
to accept your demise
thinking instead my country is
in a dormant state soon to awaken
at the rooster’s call as always
refreshed and spirited.

I speak of my Puerto Rico,
my love, my origin of being
the source of memory and dreams
and all matter of things.

These words might be deemed
clichés were they not true—
true to my soul and marrow.

I sing the blues as I refuse
to accept you’ve gone too far
from home to find your way back.

My country, my island, my barrio
will return to her rightful place
and call out for her children
spread thin throughout stranger’s lands.

I sing the blues as I refuse
to accept words which attribute
my intellect or beauty to another race
and remind you I am not up for adoption.

This self originated and renews itself
despite travel to faraway places
and educations in Spanish and English
and diasporic fragmentation
from one source—
the country of my origin from which
genius and virtuosity was born before.

You say I look
seem
could be
speak
as though and I say no—
I could not be anything but
Puerto Rican.




Odilia Rivera Santos, born in Arecibo, Puerto Rico, and raised in the Bronx, fills her poetry e-book Love When You Say Love, with dozens of free verse and haiku pieces that address relationships, philosophy, culture, race, gender and, of course, love, all of this through a cultivated and streetwise Afro-Puerto Rican Latina lens. 

Memoirs de un Emigrante /Memorias of an Immigrant

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La Calera, Michoacán, México

De Campesino a Catedrático y Activista

By Cirenio A. Rodríguez

The author, born in Michoacán, Mexico, has collected a number of vignettes about the origins of his family in Mexico and Texas, which he plans to publish as a memoir soon. Some segments of the Mexican phase are published here.


In my family there lives a rich tradition of story tellers: both of my grandfathers used to tell us cuentos and family stories. As a faculty member, I often found myself following this rich tradition by telling stories as part of the teaching methodology. Following the footsteps of my grandparents, I decided to write and share personal narratives about aspects of my life as a Mexican immigrant growing up in the United States (student, activist, professional) and my formative years in a rural setting in Mexico. Adalberto Aguirre Jr. (2005) claimed that personal narrative is valuable as a method for understanding everyday life because it gives substance to the story and identity to the storyteller. According to Spindler, G., and Spindler, J. (1992), each individual has at least three different identities, 1) “enduring self,” 2) “situated self,” and 3) “endangering self.”
The enduring self consists of the formative years of a person: the first 14 years rooted in childhood. In my case, the first 14 years living in a rural environment in La Calera, Michoacán, formed the enduring self. The situated self is constantly changing in response to the necessity to make sense in whatever situation one finds oneself. It changes, within limits that are set by the enduring self, depending on the demands of the situation, such as a recent immigrant in Los Angeles, California, farm worker in the fields of Northern California, college and university student activist, community activist and professor, father, husband, grandfather, school board member, etc.
Each situation demands different understandings, gestures, way of speaking, demeanor etc. I don’t put myself in an endangered situation. That's what happens to those who can’t navigate from the enduring to the situational self.As participant of two societies, I acquired certain social and cultural traits that social scientists call “Social and Cultural Capital.” Social and cultural capital are generated collectively but also reflect or are part of an individual’s identity. My social and cultural capital were influenced and transformed by the life experiences in rural Mexico and California, thereby, influencing my perceptions, impressions, observations and ultimately my own bilingual and bicultural identity. My personal narrative will also reflect on important historical events of Mexicans/Chicanos in the United States.

En mi familia hay una gran tradición de narrativa oral o mejor dicho de cuentistas. Mis dos abuelos solían compartir cuentos e historias de los miembros de la familia. Yo muchas veces empleaba la tradición oral de decir cuentos para complementar la metodología pedagógica cuando compartía clases en la universidad. Siguiendo la rica tradición de mis abuelos, decidí escribir y compartir mi narrativa personal sobre mis experiencias como emigrante en Los Estados Unidos y también cuando era niño/joven en el rancho. Adalberto Aguirre Jr. (2005) comenta que la narrativa personal es valiosa como método para entender la vida cuotidiana de un individuo porque le da substancia a la historia e identidad al cuentista. Según Spindler, G., y Spindler, J. (1992), cada individuo tiene por lo menos tres identidades (seres) 1) “identidad (ser) perdurable,” 2) “identidad (ser) situada,” y 3) “identidad (ser) en peligro.”
El ser o la identidad perdurable consiste en los primeros 14 años que son los años formativos de una persona. En mi caso los primeros 14 años en un ambiente rural en el rancho La Calera, Michoacán. El ser o la identidad situada cambia constantemente en respuesta a las necesidades con el fin de conocer el sentido de cualquier situación que uno se encuentre. La identidad cambia, dentro de los límites que establece la identidad perdurable, dependiendo de las demandas de la situación, tales como recién llegado a Los Ángeles, campesino en los campos agrícolas del Norte de California, estudiante y profesor universitario, activista político y social, esposo, padre, abuelo y miembro de mesas directivas de distritos escolares.
Cada situación demanda o exige diferentes concepciones, modos de hablar o actuar, etc. No me pongo en situaciones peligrosas (identidad en peligro). Eso pasa cuando uno no puede navegar de la identidad perdurable a la identidad situada. Como miembro y participante de dos sociedades tengo dos identidades sociales y culturales, lo que científicos sociales llaman capital social y capital cultural, que se crean, se generan colectivamente, pero también reflejan o son parte de la identidad individual de una persona. Estos rasgos sociales, culturales en el rancho y después en California contribuyeron a la transformación de mi identidad, la cual influye en mi concepción del mundo, mis observaciones impresiones, opiniones y finalmente en mi misma identidad bilingüe y bicultural. Mi narrativa personal también reflejara en eventos históricos de la comunidad mexicana/chicana en los Estados Unidos.

~~~~~~~~~

Rural Roots

Allá al pie de la montaña                                                         
Donde se oculta temprano el sol
Deje mi ranchito triste
Y abandonada ya mi labor

I was born in 1946 in La Calera, Michoacán, México, of USA-born parents. Both my paternal and maternal grandparent migrated to the USA during the Mexican Revolution, along with a number of their brothers, sisters and cousins, and both my parents were born in Garden City, Kansas, father Marcos Rodríguez (1919) and mother, Teresa Ayala (1927) . During the 1930's, as part of the repatriation of Mexicans by the US government, my grandparents and their kids, mostly US citizens, were sent back to México. They returned to their native village in Michoacán. Many years later my parents were married and gave birth to several kids while at the rancho. I and four of my sisters survived. In 1960, since both of my parents were US citizens, we entered the USA at San Isidro, Califas, as citizens of this country. My parents gave birth to five other girls while in California. I am the only male in the family (besides my dad).
La Calera, Michoacán, formerly known as El Colado, is located in the northern part of Michoacán and is part of Municipio Sixto Verduzco. Its basic economy is agriculture. In the 1800’s, when it was called El Colado, it was moved to its present location because of flooding. It was part of an extensive Hacienda de Zurumuato (now known as Pastor Ortiz) and most, if not all, of its inhabitants worked for the hacendado Carlos Markassuza. It is situated al norte del estado de Michoacán along the Rio Lerma Valley. It coincides with what Kirchoff (1940) calls XVI Century Mesoamerican boundaries. It is a very important natural passage (corridor) for the transportation of ideas, men and goods.
Chichimecas lived in this region which was also the border of the Tarascan/Purépecha people in their northern expansionist efforts, on the eve of Spanish expansionism. During the Spanish Colonial days, this became a very important part of the complex economic, agricultural, commercial and industrial development of el Bajío (Jose Napoleon Vargas Robledo, 2012).
La Calera was probably a ceremonial site for the Purépechas/Tarascan people. On the outskirts of the rancho there was a series of Yacatas, which are religious/ceremonial temples of the Purépechas. They also used Yacatas as their center of government and cemeteries where they buried their dead leaders. I clearly remember these religious, ceremonial structures that we called Yacatas de Cunda. In addition to the Yacatas there were other Purépecha structures. In the middle of the ranch, there is a structure we called, “El Alto,” which is probably a hill or an old Yacata. This place is right next to “El Corral de la Hacienda” where they used to house the animals and agricultural equipment/tools of the hacienda. We used to dig in and around this place and often found archeological items such as arrows, dolls, whistles, shells, etc. One of my uncles, once told me that when they were digging in El Corral de la hacienda to build the foundation for the new school, they found a human a skeleton with many items, such as dolls, and two shells. One of these shells he used on special occasions to call the people to meetings and/or religious cultural events. The burial must have been of an important ruler.

~~~~~~~~~

Nací en La Calera, Michoacán, México de padres nacidos en Estados Unidos. Mis abuelos paternos y maternos migraron a Estados Unidos durante la Revolución Mexicana (1910-1917), acompañados por otros hermanos y primos. Mi padre Marcos Rodríguez Montes y madre Teresa Ayala Castro nacieron en Garden City, Kansas. Sin embargo en los años 1930s estas familias, incluyendo niños y niñas de ciudadanía estadounidense fueron repatriados por el gobierno de Estados Unidos a México. Regresaron al rancho La Calera. Varios años después mi mama y papa se casaron y dieron vida a cinco, a mi y cuatro hermanas. Mi papa regreso a los estados unidos a trabajar en los campos agrícolas o la industria ferrocarril de California en los años 40 y 50 del siglo pasado.
En 1906, ya que ambos mi papa y mama eran ciudadanos americanos, los cinco de nosotros entramos a los Estados Unidos como ciudadanos de este país. Tiempo después mis padres dieron vida a cinco mas de mis hermanas. Yo soy el único hijo en esta familia. La Calera, Michoacán, antes conocida como El Colado, está situada en el norte del estado de Michoacán y es parte del Municipio Sixto Verduzco; su economía básica consiste de la agricultura. A los finales del siglo XIX, se mudó a su presente ubicación debido a inundaciones. El rancho era parte de la Hacienda de Zurumuato y la gente trabajaba para el hacendado de nombre Carlos Markassuza.
El Municipio Sixto Verduzco está “Ubicado al norte del Estado de Michoacán, en el ‘Valle del Río Lerma,” coincide con lo que Kirchoff suele considerar como límite de Mesoamérica en el siglo XVI y un corredor naturalmente importante para la circulación de bienes, hombres e ideas. (Kirchoff, 1940). “Esta zona estuvo poblada por chichimecas movedizos y sirvió de frontera a los tarascos o purépechas en su afán expansionista hacia el norte, en vísperas de la otra ola expansionista, la española. Tiempo después, ya en plena época colonial hispana, esta región se integró al desarrollo agrícola, ganadero, comercial e industrial que significó el complejo económico del Bajío.” (José Napoleón Vargas Robledo, 2012).
La Calera quizás fue un sitio ceremonial Purépecha, ya que en las afueras del rancho se encontraban unas Yacatas en la loma camino hacia el cerro. Las Yacatas son templos religiosos de los Purépechas. También los Purépechas las usaban como centro de gobierno y enterraban a sus gobernantes. Recuerdo perfectamente estas Yacatas de Cunda. En el centro del rancho hay un área que le llamamos el alto en el cual se ubicaba “El Corral de la Hacienda,” donde encerraban el ganado de los hacendados. En este lugar, encontrábamos objetos, de los antiguos pobladores Purépechas, tales como muñecos, trastes, silbidos, flechas, caracoles, etc. Me relató un tío que en los años 60 cuando se construyó la actual escuela del rancho encontraron un cuerpo humano el cual tenía tales objetos, incluyendo dos caracoles. Uno de estos caracoles los usaba mi tío como silbido durante algunos eventos culturales/religiosos.


Revolución en la Calera

Año de mil novecientos
Y doce que pasó
Murió Benito Canales
El gobierno lo mató

In 1876, Porfirio Diaz came to power that lasted over 30 years. He is given credit for modernizing Mexico but also his reign is known for its brutality toward the poor classes, especially native communities. During his regime, foreign investors entered Mexico and began to own much of its land and other resources. The hacienda system of large land owners took root. Much of rural Mexico was owned by a very few including foreigners. Such was the case in my little ranchito which was part of a large hacienda owned by a person by the name of Carlos Markassuza. Opposition to Díaz’ brutal regime surfaced in many parts of Mexico, some of it led by the social anarchist Flores Magón family in Mexico City.
In the rural areas, armed opposition surfaced. As in many parts of Mexico, the people from the rancho and other nearby communities rebelled against the hacienda system and the Porfirio Díaz regime, leading to the 1910 Mexican Social Revolution. Such individuals from our area were the famous Benito Canales and Ines Chavez García. Benito Canales was born in a nearby rancho (Tres Mesquites) but had many followers from El Colado/La Calera. As a child, I used to hear stories from the village elders about the actions of Don Benito Canales y Los Chinacos. Some family members were part of his troops, in particular a person by the name of Carmen Bernal, who ended up marrying my grandfather Cirilo Rodriguez’ sister. It is interesting to note that in the Spanish colonial days, Mexican mestizos (part Spanish and Native) were called Chinacos.
Years later some of them became guerrilla fighters that opposed the Spanish (1810-1821), USA War (1846-48) and French (1862-1867) invasions of Mexico. However, the Chinacos became internationally known for their bravery and defeat of invading French Napoleon III troops (1862-67). More than likely the term survived and was applied to guerrilleros that also opposed the Porfirio Díaz regime during the last decade of the 1800’s and early 1900’s leading to the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917). It is also interesting to note the similar spelling to the current term Chicano.
Once the revolution exploded, it had a significant impact on the rancho. My dad’s mom, Angela Montes Roa, used to tell us stories of some of her cousins that fought in the revolution. One was Manuel Roa and another Ines Chavez Garcia. The latter one was very famous and became a general. Many corridos and books have been written about him.
On one occasion, Inez Chavez Garcia stopped at my grandmother’s house as he had just robbed some rich people and government troops were chasing him. In his possession, he had some of the booty he had stolen, and did not want to endanger the family so he left and hid the treasure in the nearby hills. Some years later a lucky campesino found the loot and became very rich. Many families joined the fighting and others had to flee or be killed.
Among those families that left the rancho were my two grandparents (Cirilo Rodriguez and Jesus Ayala) and some of their brothers, sisters and cousins. Many of the families ended up in the United States. Some went to California, such as the Bernal family and others (Rodriguez and Ayala families) went to Colorado and then Kansas. Both of my grandparents, their brothers and sisters, and their families settled in Garden City, Kansas. Both of my parents were born there and went to school until the mid-1930’s when they were repatriated back to La Calera.

~~~~~~~~~

Porfirio Díaz llego al poder en 1876 y gobernó por mas de treinta años. Según los historiadores el modernizo a México pero también se le conoce por su brutalidad, especialmente contra las clases menos privilegiadas e indígenas. Durante su régimen capitalista, extranjeros invirtieron en México y se apoderaron de las riquezas nacionales. En las áreas rurales de la república unos cuantos capitalistas se apoderaron de la mayor parte de la tierra. Así ocurrió en mi ranchito, el cual era parte de la hacienda de Zurumuato. El dueño de esta hacienda fue un francés de nombre Carlos Markassuza, quien era dueño de otras haciendas en el bajío. Cansados de los abusos del gobierno y la clase privilegiada, el pueblo se levantó en armas resultando en la Revolución Mexicana (1910-1917).
Los hermanos Flores Magón, Francisco I. Madero y otros al nivel nacional lideraron esta revolución. El descontento también se manifestó en las áreas rurales y el rancho y los ranchos vecinos no fueron una excepción. A finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX surgieron revolucionarios en la comarca, tales como Benito Canales, Inés García Chávez, y otros. Benito Canales nació en un rancho cerca de la Calera llamado Tres Mesquites, y tenía muchos partidarios.
De niño escuche muchas veces historias de los revolucionarios, partidarios de Benito Canales en el rancho. Uno de ellos fue Don Carmen Bernal, cuñado de mi abuelo Cirilo Rodríguez. A estos revolucionarios les llamaban Chinacos. Es interesante notar que durante la era colonial se les llamaba Chinacos a los mestizos, quizás por su forma de vestir.
Años después estas personas se rebelan contra la corona Española (1810-1821), pelean en la Guerra contra estados unidos (1846-1848) y contra la invasión francesa (1862-1867). Sin embargo, los Chinacos obtuvieron fama internacional por su valentía durante la Guerra contra los franceses. El nombre Chinaco sobrevivió, al menos en esta parte de México, hasta principios del siglo XX ya que se les llamo Chinacos a los guerrilleros que se opusieron al régimen de Porfirio Díaz y pelearon durante la Revolución Mexicana (1910-1917). Es también importante notar el parecido del deletreo Chinaco con Chicano.
Al estallar la revolución, gente del rancho se vio involucrada. Mi abuela paterna, Ángela Montes Roa me contaba que algunos de sus primos fueron revolucionarios, tales como Manuel Roa e Inés Chávez García. El último llego a ser General de las fuerzas revolucionarias. Se han escrito muchos corridos y libros sobre este personaje. Mi abuela me conto que en una ocasión Inés Chávez García llego a su casa huyendo de las fuerzas federales ya que había robado a un rico hacendado y llevaba con el el dinero robado. No quiso comprometer a la familia y se fue a esconder el tesoro en la loma/cerro del rancho. Años después un campesino encontró ese tesoro y se convirtió en una persona rica.
La revolución causo que varias familias salieran del rancho, algunas emigraron a los estados unidos, tales como mis dos abuelos, sus hermanos, hermanas, primos y primas. Algunos se fueron a California (la familia Bernal) y otros (Ayala, Rodríguez) a Texas, Colorado y Kansas. Ambos de mis abuelos y sus hermanos /primos se establecieron en Garden City, Kansas, donde nació mi papa Marcos Rodríguez y mama Teresa Ayala. Alli vivieron, fueron a la escuela pero a mediados de los años treinta fueron repatriados a México y se fueron a vivir a La Calera.


Repatriation to La Calera and Land Reform

During the 1930’s the world experienced economic difficulties as a result of the “Great Depression.” In the United States of America, the economic difficulties were blamed on the Mexican immigrants, and over half a million Mexicanos, both legal residents and their sons and daughters born in the USA were deported back to Mexico. Francisco E. Balderrama and Raymond Rodríguez documented such travesty in a 1995 book titled ‘Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.” Most of the families (Ayala, Bernal, and Rodríguez) that left La Calera during the Mexican Revolution were part of such a repatriation process. Many of these families had spent over 20 years in the USA and brought with them sons and daughters born in the USA, my dad and mom among them. However, a small number of families did remain in the United States. During this particular time, Mexico had elected a Michoacano, General (Tata) Lazaro Cardenas as its president. Tata Cardenas was a former revolutionary. His election brought many changes to Mexico. He nationalized the oil industry, took land away from the hacendados and distributed it among the poor peasants as advocated by Emiliano Zapata. Many of those families (Rodríguez, Ayala, Bernal), etc., that returned to La Calera benefitted from the land reform movement. They received land and became part of El Ejido de La Calera. One of the regional leaders of the land distribution movement known as “Agraristas” was Jose Ayala García, one of the younger brothers of my grandfather, Jesús Ayala García. Tío Jose was one of five regional leaders that fought for land reform and made it possible for those returning to la Calera to receive land. There was great opposition from the church and conservative members of the rancho, and those who had been close to the hacendado. I heard stories from my grandfathers about threats against them for accepting the land and against Tío Jose because he was a “Revoltoso” (troublemaker). The Agraristas were also labeled as “Anarquistas.” The rich and conservative people from the region aligned with the church called themselves Sinarquistas. Several people were killed in the region during these times as conflict between Sinarquistas and Anarquistas/Agraristas emerged. Tío Jose’s life was threatened too many times and he had to flee the rancho, otherwise he would have been killed. He ended back in California where he spent the rest of his life. Up to this day, his contributions have not been officially recognized by the people from La Calera. Jose Napoleon Vargas Robledo (2012) claims that the fight for land redistribution in this region of Michoacán gave birth to the biggest social movements that Mexico has ever experienced.

~~~~~~~~~

En los años 30, el mundo sufrió una depresión económica, y los estados unidos fueron afectados gravemente. Los políticos, los racistas y clase gobernante culpó a los emigrantes, especialmente a los mexicanos. El gobierno de estados unidos deportó a mas de medio millón de mexicanos, la mayoría ciudadanos de este país. Francisco E. Balderrama y Raymond Rodríguez (1995) documentaron esta injusticia en su libro “Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930’s.” Casi todas las familias (Ayala, Bernal, Rodríguez) que salieron del rancho hacia los estados unidos durante la Revolución mexicana fueron repatriados, entre ellos mis abuelos, sus hermanos, primos y los hijos e hijas de estas familias. Algunas familias permanecieron en Garden City, Kansas, y otras en California, pero la mayoría regresaron al rancho.
El pueblo mexicano había elegido como Presidente de la República al revolucionario General (Tata) Lázaro Cárdenas, quien nacionalizo el petróleo y repartió las tierras de las haciendas, cumpliendo una de las metas del General Emiliano Zapata. Las tierras de la Hacienda de Zurumato fueron repartidas a los campesinos que habían trabajado en ellas. Las familias norteñas se beneficiaron de esta política pública del Tata Cárdenas, y también recibieron tierras. En la región hubo seis líderes agraristas que abogaban por la repartición de las tierras, entre ellos se encontraba mi tío, José Ayala García, hermano de mi abuelo Jesús Ayala García. La iglesia y miembros de la clase dominante y conservadora de la región se opusieron a la repartición de la tierra. Los líderes agraristas fueron agredidos y a mi tío José se le acusó de ser “revoltoso” y “anarquista.” No hay que olvidar que en la región, especialmente en el estado vecino de Guanajuato, había surgido un movimiento “Sinarquista/Cristero.” El conflicto entre agraristas y sinarquistas/cristeros causó un gran conflicto en la región causando muertes y asesinatos. A mi tío José allá se le amenazó de muerte varias veces y tuvo que salir del país hacia los estados unidos donde permaneció hasta el día de su muerte. Hasta hoy el rancho no ha reconocido oficialmente sus contribuciones sacrificios. José Napoleón Vargas Robledo (2012) escribe que las haciendas y tierras de la región vieron nacer a los movimientos sociales mas grandes del país.

~~~~~~~~~

Here’s an example of the later segments—his motivation for pursuing an education no matter what:

El Día del Aire Acondicionado / The Day of Air Conditioning
Many have asked how it was possible for me to obtain a PhD and work as a professor at a major university, since I received limited formal education in Mexico and did not attend elementary school in the USA. There are many factors that contributed to my success: my parents valued education and reinforced it every day; they had high expectations and sacrificed much for our success; I was a studious student and liked school.
However, one particular event kept me going every time things got hard. Every summer (1960-1969), my family would go up north to Lodi, California, to pick cucumbers, tomatoes, chilies, plums, etc. We lived at a family government operated labor camp, Harney Lane Labor Camp. One day after work my parents and I went to a government office (Welfare, EDD, Social Security, I am not sure which).
It must have been 110 (F) degrees outside; but when we walked into the government office for the first time I experienced AIR CONDITIONING. We walked to a window and behind it was a young man with a bow tie. I told myself this is the type of job I want. Every time school assignments became difficult, I recalled the air conditioning incident and it gave me the desire (ganas) to continue studying and not give up.


Cirenio A. Rodriguez, originally from La Calera, Michoacán, México, is a member of the Board of Trustees of the Woodland Joint Unified School District, Woodland, California, where he lives, and a former president of the Yolo County Board of Education. He has taught at Woodland Community College and CSU Sacramento. He holds a doctorate in Policy and Organizational Analysis.


Poems to an abuelo and to hope far off

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Illustrations by Giovanna Espinoza


Two poems filled with insight and the future

By Giovanna Espinoza

The Scholarly Abuelo

He came into my life
Suave, muy suave
In all his unassuming glory
El jefe tan chingón
His own brand of exuberant joy, radiating
A todo dar
Así como dicen "Great things come in small sizes” His signature style, ese.
The Hat - to keep that fountain of wisdom
Contained, but siempre
Overflowing
¡Vale! What about them shoes?
Declaran: Este vato, he's a man of pure class!
Pero, he is not without a bit of
Sassss ¡Ey! ¡Wachale!
He's on a mission, you see
Está abriendo camino
For who?! Why?!
You might ask
'Pa la gente, la raza
For you, 'pa mi Without a doubt, sin duda
Es el mero mero
Why?
Exactly
Think: pedagogy
Can you see it? ¿Lo puedes ver?
The forest Él es el más grande
Fooool
Pero, he makes us all look
Como los verdaderos idiotas
¿Y qué?
Porque we need to be
Irreverente
¡Andale! Porque, my abuelo
Well, es un escolar,
A scholar
So, I will take that Hat
And claim it, own it  Y caminaré el mismo camino
In my own shoes, mi estilo
Because ¡chale! Sere una force of nature
La tempestad
Shaking the very foundation
Down to the raices
¡Si se puede!
¿Verdad?

~~~~~~~~~

Hope en distancia

Hay distancias que nos
S e p a r a n
They d/i/v/i/d/e  U.S.
Pa crear una frontera
Between us So
I am
Waiting
Esperando, hoping
For what? You might ask
Chhhh…
Oh
I forgot
It’s shhhh now Yo quiero
Desire
NO!
¡Que feo!
My, my what a nasty
Little mind, you have there I demand
El derecho de poder
Compartirlas
With you, hermanita
Las delicias del mundo So, I will make a proposition
Let’s build it!
A wall? You little-
No.
A bridge, un puente I want
To breathe
El mismo aire
Polluted and open Escucha, mija
You’re playing with fuego
¿Quién te dio la autoridad?
To make all these demands Who? You ask
Es muy fácil
Simple even, sir
I did, yo solita  Look here, chamaca
No tienes idea de lo que-
¿Qué?
Of course, I have ideas! Mira aquí, señor
 I am a LOUDmouth, oh yes
Toda una chismosa
So beware Recuerda, nosotras las mujeres
We’re patient
Waiting, esperando
Exactly
  

Giovanna Espinoza, born in Victorville, California, spent her early childhood in Mexico City but now lives in San Antonio, Texas, where she is a Spanish major and senior at Trinity University. She “strives through her writing to express the strong values that motivate her, making a difference in the world and encouraging growth through inquiry.” “The Scholarly Abuelo,” she notes, is Dr. Arturo Madrid, one of her professors at Trinity, now retired. The illustration is by Giovanna of his signature hat.

A Page Hidden in American History

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Guest Viewpoint

The Mexican American Story—yet to be told

By Felipe de Ortego y Gasca

American demographic knowledge about the Hispanic Southwest and about Mexican Americans in the United States is dismal, evident by spurious remarks by Donald Trump and tweets emanating from Republican presidential election activities this year. Many Americans think that Mexican Americans are a recent immigrant population, troublemakers, and thugs.
They are none of these! Though they are fierce defenders of their culture, language, and national origin. They are Mexican Americans in what is now the United States with roots that stretch back centuries. For example, a branch of my mother’s family settled in San Antonio in 1731 as founders of the city—all too often I have to remind my fellow Americans that 1731 is a few years before 1776. Many families in New Mexico trace their Hispanic roots to the mid-16th century, some 60 years before the founding of the English colony of Jamestown in North America in 1607.
For the record: the 3 million Mexicans who were settlers on the territory of the Mexican Cession in 1848 per the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo became Americans by conquest and fiat, holding on tenaciously to their cultural roots and traditions, though their political roots were sundered. Bear in mind that their land was now a land occupied by an invader force. They did not trek across a border to reach the United States. In other words, the border crossed them.
The territory of the Mexican Cession was larger than Spain, France, and Italy combined (529,000 square miles: third largest acquisition of territory in US history). Americans had coveted that territory for a long time. They got it with President Polk’s trumped up war against Mexico in 1846 on the pretext that on March 12 Mexico had invaded American territory in Brownsville, Texas. Despite the Texas Rebellion of 1836 and the subsequent U.S. annexation of Texas in 1845, Mexico had not ceded territorial rights to Texas. Ergo, Mexico did not invade American territory when its troops crossed innocently into Texas in 1846.
Of the 60 million American Hispanics today (per current Census count), 66 percent or  40 million are Mexican Americans, scattered from California to Maine, the majority of them in the Hispanic Southwest with the next largest population cluster of Mexican Americans in Chicago where I was born. In what I call the Ohio Valley Crescent, that arc of the United States stretching  West to East from Northfield, Minnesota, to Johnstown, Pennsylvania and South to include Iowa some 4 million American Hispanics live and work, most of them Mexican Americans. In all, the Ohio Valley Crescent includes the states of Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, West Virginia, and Western Pennsylvania. 
In this arc, American Hispanics (differentiated from Hispanic Americans from Latin America) have created vibrant communities full of Hispanic culture and language, and except for the Chicago area have been until recently historically “invisible.” It’s in this arc of the Ohio Valley Crescent in Indiana where U.S. District Judge Gonzalo Curiel was born, but who Donald Trump keeps referring to as that “Mexican” judge.
Eight million-plus Puerto Ricans (on the island and continental U.S.) make up 18 percent of the total U.S. Hispanic population. Cuban Americans make up 6 percent of the U.S. Hispanic population. That’s a total of 90 percent of the U. S. Hispanic population made up of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban Americans.
The remaining 10 percent comprises the “Latino” population of the U.S., that is, Hispanics from the 16 other Latin American countries not counting Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. With the exception of Salvadorians and Dominicans, none of the other Latino groups in their individual aggregate make up more than 1 percent of the U.S. Hispanic population. One can readily see that the elephant in the room is the Mexican American: 2 out of 3 American Hispanics are Mexican Americans. Given these stats one wonders why “the Donald” is alienating them.
Unfortunately, representations of Mexicans and Mexican Americans have tended to cast Mexican Americans and their Mexican kinsmen in the most lurid light, as Professor Cecil Robinson pointed out in his work With the Ears of Strangers. Mexican Americans were inaccurately and superficially represented in books, movies, television and other mass media, sometimes by well-meaning romanticists who distorted the image of Mexican Americans for the sake of their art.
Mexican Americans were characterized at both ends of a spectrum of human behavior—seldom in the middle—as untrustworthy, villainous, ruthless, tequila­ drinking, and philandering machos or else as courteous, devout, and fatalistic peasants who were to be treated more as pets than as people. More often than not Mexican Americans were cast as bandits or as lovable rogues; as hot-blooded, sexually animated creatures or passive, humble servants. Mexican and Mexican American women fared just as badly cast as females of easy virtue.
Mexican  American  youngsters  were taught about the cruelty of their Spanish forebears and the savagery of  their  Mexican-Indian ancestors;  they  were taught about the Spanish greed for gold, of the infamous Spanish Inquisition, of Aztec  human  sacrifices,  of Mexican  bandits,  and  of  the  massacre at the Alamo. Seldom, if ever, were they told about the other men at the Alamo, their Mexican kinsmen—unknown and unsung in American history—who were killed fighting on the Texas side for independence. American children have still probably never heard of Juan Abamillo, Juan Badillo, Carlos Espalier, Gregorio Esparza, Antonio Fuentes, Jose Maria Guerrero, Toribio Losoya, Andres Nava and more than a hundred other Texas Mexicans at the Alamo.
Information about the historical accomplishments of Mexican Americans from the end of the U.S. War with Mexico (1848) to the present has been nil in American history or social science texts. Editors and writers of American history texts have excluded or minimized the literary achievements of Mexican Americans, first, and Chicanos later, for reasons ranging from jingoism and racism to ignorance and disdain.
A current effort by the Texas State Board of Education to adopt a book about Mexican Americans for social studies characterizes Chicanos as set on destroying America. The book is full of errata and misinformation. Again, one wonders why Texas elected officials are deliberately alienating Texas Mexican Americans. A day of reckoning is coming when Texas Mexican Americans will be the majority population in the state. In 2004, in a Foreign Policy article, Harvard Professor Samuel P. Huntington ranted about American Hispanics posing a major potential threat to the country’s cultural and political integrity. As Hispanics, Mexican Americans seem to be and have been fair game for American xenophobes.
Like the Palestinians, Mexicans and Mexican Americans are in their homeland which was invaded by the U.S. in its rush from “sea to shining sea” during the era of American imperialism. In the 19th century, when the American empire beheld Mexico to its south, it saw only a nation of brown-tinted people working like serfs (peones) for the elite of Mexico on their plantations (latifundias). And like Cotton Mather in an earlier time who sought to free the Indians of Mexico from their Spanish oppressors, driven now by Manifest Destiny, American disdain for non-white people seized the moment to wrest more than half of Mexico’s sovereign territory as booty of war for its slave economy. Hawks in the U.S. Congress pressed for the total acquisition of Mexico but were staved off by those who argued that Mexican land south of the demarcated Mexican Cession was worthless.
In my work on The Black Legend (la Leyenda Negra), I maintain that the enmity toward Mexicans by Americans was the product of The Black Legend—that historical process of defamation, slander, libel, and stereotyping engendered by the conflict between Spain and England, brought to a head by Spain’s invasion of England in 1588 with the Spanish Armada in an effort to force England into submission and to return to the Catholic fold.
The Spanish Armada was totally destroyed by an unexpected perfect 10 storm. Spain left the field, and capitalizing on Spain’s retreat, England declared victory over Spain due to superior seamanship and because God willed it. England immediately initiated a barrage of propaganda against Spain, maliciously branding it a nation of infidels in league with the devil.  That propaganda blitz perdured over the centuries to this day and accounted for the contempt and vicious attitudes of Americans toward Mexicans in the 19th century aftermath of the U.S.-Mexico War of 1846-1848.  
Like the “Jewish Problem” in Germany in the last century, the Mexican Problem has loomed large in the United States. In time, anti-Mexican laws a la Jim Crow were passed, creating thus a Mexican-Dixon Line comparable to the Mason-Dixon Line. Americans quickly reduced  Mexican Americans to a stage of peonage corresponding to what existed in Spanish colonial Mexico and after the Creole interregnum from 1821 to 1910 at the end of the Porfirato—the 35 year despotic presidency of Porfirio Diaz.  
Important to note is that the Mexican War for Independence, 1810-1821, profited only the Criollo elite and a few of the indigenous elite of Mexico. The rest of Mexican society remained a macerated mass subject to the winds of fortune. Much the same befell the Mexicans of the ceded Mexican territory after 1848 in the now United States.
Becoming Americans posed problems of considerable dimension for the Mexicans of the ceded territory —now Americans in name only. They were confronted with a new language, a different political system, and an educational system that did not know how to educate them (see “Montezuma’s Children,” Ortego). Moreover, regarded as a half-breed population they were not wanted in the United States unless they could be herded like black slaves.
Narrative portraits of Mexican Americans by Anglo American writers have exerted extraordi-nary influence since 1848 down to our time on generations of Americans who have come in contact with them. Disparaging images of Mexican Americans were drawn by such writers as Richard Henry Dana, who, in Two Years Before the Mast, described the Mexicans of California as "an idle, thriftless people" who could "make nothing for themselves." In 1852, Colonel John Monroe reported to Washington,

that the New Mexicans are thoroughly debased and totally incapable of self-government, and there is no latent quality about them that can ever make them respectable. They have more Indian blood than Spanish, and in some respects are below the Pueblo Indians, for they are not as honest or as industrious.

In 1868, The Overland Monthly published an article by William V. Wells in which he wrote that
in the open field, a charge of disciplined troops usually sufficed to put to flight the  collection of frowzy-headed mestizos, leperos, mulattoes, Indians, Samboes, and other mongrels now, as in the time of our war with them, composing a Mexican Army.

 In our own time Walter Prescott Webb characterized Mexicans as possessing" a cruel streak" he believed was inherited partly from the Spanish of the inquisition and partly from their Indian forebears. “On the whole," he went on,

the Mexican warrior . . . was inferior to the Comanche and wholly unequal to Texans. The whine of the leaden slugs stirred in him an irresistible impulse to travel with, rather than against, the music. He won more victories over the Texans partly by parley than by force of arms. For making promises and for breaking them he had no peer.

In that 64-year period from 1848 to 1912 when New Mexico and Arizona became states, the Conquest Generation of Mexican Americans suffered the slings and arrows of outrageous discrimination and contumely much of which continues to this day evident by public characterizations of Mexican and Mexican Americans via media sources. This transition period of two generations did not assimilate Mexican Americans as such a period had assimilated European immigrants. But Mexican Americans were not immigrants. They were sentients in an occupied land that had once been their homeland—and now they were strangers in their own land.
American Hispanics have been present in the United States since its founding in 1776 with Hispanic Jews (Sephardim) in the population mix from the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam which became New York, plus the addition of Hispanics to the American population with the Louisiana Purchase (1803), the addition of Florida (1819), the U.S. War with Mexico (1846-48), the U.S. War with Spain (1898), the Mexican diaspora from 1910-1930), the Mexican Bracero Program (1942-1964), and the steady stream of immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean since the founding of the nation.
Despite their historical presence in the United States, American Hispanics receive scant coverage in the U.S. Media despite the fact that they constitute 19 percent of the total U.S. population--about 1 out of 5 Americans is an American Hispanic. By 2040, Census projections estimate that 1 out of 4 Americans will be Hispanic. And, according to the Census Bureau, by 2095 half the American population will be Hispanic—if fertility and motility ratios remain constant.
American Hispanics receive news coverage only when events cast them in adverse roles or stereotypes or situations of buffoonery. In film particularly, Mexicans have been cast as passive and benign in subservient roles or as jocular and bellicose characters in boisterous saloons or crowd scenes, there to be tolerated as riff-raff. More recently, Mexicans and Cubans have been cast as thugs or gangsters. In whichever roles they are cast they are always “the usual suspects” to be rounded up. American mainstream media has tended to regard American Hispanics as Mr. Hyde rather than as Dr. Jekyll. Simply put, it’s as if the American media sees American Hispanics as a population suffering from mass bi-polarism.
The most intense period of Americanization for Mexican Americans occurred between 1910 and 1930 in a migration north from Mexico that Ernesto Galarza, the Mexican American labor activist, called historic. More than 1½ million Mexicans trekked north from Mexico to escape the hardships of Mexico’s economy despoiled by Porfirismo. American labor shortages accommodated the exodus. But the Great Depression of the 1930s annulled the initial benefit of their presence in the American economy.
The remedy was rounding up the Mexicans and returning them to Mexico. Figures indicate that less than 500,000 Mexicans were repatriated, including many of whom were American citizens. That situation is a lot like the situation today in rounding up undocumented Mexicans in the U.S. Santayana, the American Hispanic Harvard professor, had it right: those who do not learn the lessons of history are condemned to repeat it.
This exodus of Mexicans trekking north is important in establishing the basic Mexican American population of today. Despite repatriation in the 1930s, the exodus added to the Mexican American population of the Conquest Generation, augmenting the U.S. Mexican American population considerably.
The third augmentation of the U.S. Mexican American population occurred between 1942 and 1962 with the Bracero Program—permitting an influx of about 1 million Mexicans to harvest American crops in the face of a shortage of American agricultural workers (off to war)—and to work in specialized employment categories such as millwrights, rolling-mill cutters, sheet shearers, and other steel mill categories. These specialty workers were contracted from the Mexican steel center in Monterrey, Mexico. At the same time, Mexico fielded,

the 201st Fighter Squadron (Escuadrón Aéreo de Pelea 201), a Mexican fightersquadron, part of the Mexican Expeditionary Air Forcethat aided the Allied war effort during World War II. The squadron was known by the nickname Aguilas Aztecas or "Aztec Eagles.” –Wikipedia

That Mexico was a key ally of the United States during World War II is lost in American amnesia—so much for “hands across the border” along which Donald Trump wants to build a wall should he be elected president of the United States. Que tonteria! What foolishness!
The Mexican American story is not a Mexican story; it’s an American story. Moreso since 1960 and the advent of “The Chicano Movement” and a people’s coming of age, asserting their rights as Americans. In my essay on “The Chicano Renaissance” (Journal of Social Casework, May 1971), I wrote:

In Understanding Media, Marshall McLuhan explains that “the medium is the message . . . that the personal and social consequences of any medium—that is, of any extension of our­selves— result from the new scale that is introduced into our affairs by each extension of ourselves.” Applying McLuhan’s proposition to the Chicano Movement, for example, we can see that the Chicano Movement is the medium for extending ourselves as Chicanos in American society, and, as such, the Chicano Move­ment becomes the message. Such slogans as Ya Basta, Vence­remosand Chicano Power are only ele­ments of the total message; they are simply part of the new scale introduced into Chicano affairs by each of our individual thrusts toward greater partici­pation in American society. Indeed, the personal and social consequences of our extensions into American society have been the result of a new scale of values and aspirations that we have created with each ex­tension of ourselves.

Via the Chicano Movement, Mexican Americans served notice to America that enough was enough; they were not going to be second-class citizens any more. Just as their forebears had done in resisting with arms the American occupation of their homeland after 1848, to emphasize their intent to achieve self-determination Chicanos staged school walkouts, blowouts, sit-ins, protests, civil disobedience, strikes, and defiant acts of non-compliance. In 1971, for example, Chicano students at the University of  Texas at El Paso seized the administration building and held the President hostage for 36 hours by way of overcoming the intransigence of the university in establishing a Chicano Studies Program (“Blowout at the University of Texas at El Paso,” Newspaper Tree, December 9, 2013).
The Mexican flag is part of our patrimony, that’s why we carry the Mexican flag at protests—to remind people of American atrocities against us since 1848. This doesn’t mean we are ready to renounce our American citizenship—on the contrary, Mexican Americans are not only a transcendent group but are the most decorated of the American military during World War II and subsequent engagements. Of the 16 million American men and women in uniform during World War II, almost 1million were American Hispanics, principally Mexican Americans (see In America’s Defense, Department of Defense). At 90, I’m among the few surviving Mexican American World War II veterans, dying at the rate of 465 a day. By 2030 there won’t be a single World War II veteran alive.
It’s not thuggery Chicanos have been exhibiting at Trump rallies but acts of defiance at being characterized maliciously by Trump and his Trumpsters who are of recent immigrant vintage compared to Mexican Americans who are of the Americas and whose indigenous forebearers stretch back on the continent some 20,000 years. Most of the time Trump does not know whereof he speaks, for when he speaks about Mexicans an inchoate rush of incoherent babble gushes out in torrents of malice from his persona as “imp of the perverse.” The defining feature of the Mexican American story is the diaspora created by the U.S. War against Mexico.


Felipe de Ortego y Gasca is Scholar in Residence (Cultural Studies, Critical Theory, Public Policy), at Western New Mexico University and Distinguished Professor Emeritus of English and Cultural Studies, Texas State University System-Sul Ross.



Addendum:
Keynote Address presented at the commemoration for Martin Luther King, Jr., Texas Woman’s University, January 15, 1991, by Dr. Ortego y Gasca:

In a Letter to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., I wrote:

Dear Dr. King:
I was flattered and honored when asked to speak on the occasion of your birth. I said “yes” imme­diately, but on reflection wondered what I could say that has not already been said? Thinking on it, I remembered a poem by John Milton on the death of his dear friend whom he identified as Lycidas in the verse. It is a paean to his departed comrade and be­gins with “Once more, O ye laurels.” I realized how apt an epigraph that was in commemorating this day the nation has set aside to remember you and your work.
And though you were honored with the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1967, and your work was re­spected abroad, you received few laurels from your coun­trymen, save from those who rallied to your cause. But it was not “your” cause you bore, but the cause of humanity. Many did not realize that then, and far too many still do not.
Yes, forty-seven of the states have memorialized your work by establishing holidays in your honor, but mean-spiritedness persists in three. And in those states that have a Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday, things are not as they could be. But you know that already. Perhaps you knew even then–in the tumultu­ous days of yore–that the seeds of brotherhood some­times take longer to bloom in some hearts than in others.
Iknow about equality. Just as you knew about equal­ity. We traveled that road together. Not on the actual stones, but on the shoulders of that same road. For blacks and browns could not set foot thereon when we were young. Though I was born a few years earlier than you, we are of the same generation, the same clay.
The schools of our day segregated us by color. Mexican Americans and Indians were placed in schools separate from blacks and whites. Our names were changed from Carlos to Charlie and Felipe to Philip. I repeated the first grade twice because I start­ed school speaking only Spanish. School coun­selors in the Mexican-Dixon region of the Hispanic south-west did not encourage Mexicans in academic pursuits. Instead I was shunted into shop courses, manual train­ing to ready me for the work Mexican Ameri­cans were expected to perform. I dropped out of school in 1943 after the 9th grade and joined the Marines. I survived World War II.
And if we spoke Spanish on the school grounds, we were punished corporally and detained after school until we mended our ways and became good English-speaking Americans. But you know that. Just as you know that we could not eat in white res­taurants either. We too were segregated in movie theaters, and institutions like the YMCA had “Mexi­can quotas”–if they let us in at all. In cities like El Paso and San Antonio where we were the majority populations, we had no political visibility–poll taxes and English literacy requirements kept us politically impotent.
Municipal cemeteries would not bury us. Like blacks, we too had separate burial grounds. Except for those of us who did not look Mexican, miscege­nation laws kept us separated from Anglos. The 1947 Westminster v. Mendez ruling in California and the 1948 Delgado v. Bastrop ruling in Texas declared segregated schools for Mexican Americans in those states unconstitutional. Both cases were criti­cal precedents in the 1954 Supreme Court ruling on Brown v. Board of Education. Many schools, however, defied that Supreme Court ruling.
It is the same road our people have traveled. In 1896, the year the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Plessy v. Ferguson that blacks could be separated from whites and some 10 years before the founding of the NAACP, Mexican Americans organized the Alianza Hispano Americana to help them in their half-century struggle for civil rights. In 1929 another Mexican American organization came into being, LULAC (League of United Latin American Citizens), to pick up the baton for Mexican American civil rights. Yes, our people have traveled the same road.



Poetry… the only language that reads me

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Three Womyn Poems

By Lluvia de Milagros Carrasco

Excerpts from The Storm of La Niña: A Chronicle of Today’s Professional Womyn


“JOURNALS”

Ink is dripping,
Disappearing,
Dissipating
Into my paper where only the marks
Crease my invisible words.

Ink is fading,
But only when I write
It fades away from me…

Search my dear,
For what is inspiration
Search my dear,
For that which cannot,
Does not,
And will not
Fade.

Sometimes poetry
Is the only language that reads me,
Sometimes poetry
Is the only scripture praised to me,

The only rhythm my world dances to

Words you are my drum,
The echo of a heart beat
Seeking to transpire
Into all that I desire

You are the heartbeat
To take my veins
And pulsate
Like the wine
Of the world

Drunk,
Drink off of pure oblivion
Sacred space that has yet to be
Permeated


Oh, Land of Lovelies! What should happen?
When there is no more ink…

And the creased lines
Of a forgotten marking
Simply turns into a licked pen,
A locked pen.

Hoping to still have the blood of my rants,
A series of titles
To writings yet written…

--

Rants bleed
My unspoken
And unwritten
 Revelations.

--

Poetry is when fantasy meets reality.
Too much of either, alone –
Can never exist in each world.

A blend of fantasy and reality
Explores the soul existence,
The soul discovery

Of creative equilibrium.

~~~~~

“Awaiting to Awake”

Cansada morenita,
Cansada de lo que soy

Estrella morenita
Mi Linda aquí estoy

Abreme la ventana
Respira ser de Chicana

Saludos al universo
Y todo que es hermoso

Si mi cansada morenita,
Brilla de sueños latente
latente pero todavía soñando

Y desapareciendo sin ser desaparecida
Estrella morenita,
Dejas de existir

You cease to exist!

Cansada morenita,
Cansada de lo que soy


Estrella morenita,
Mi amor aquí estoy


Aquí estoy

Double-tongued Malinche

I, too

Speak the language of two

~~~~~

“Cenote”

Al cenote me voy,
Al cenote me quedo.

Through time,
You drop,
And build upon me.

Redefining my sculpture
Bringing the light,
Into my Allegory cave.

Such as seeing the light
For the first time in a dark room
The power of a switch
Sends a shock through the body

Consumed of light
And in pure discomfort

Startled by brightness
For it becomes a reminder

Of a new sight
My lonely cave,
All I have known to be…

It is home,
The roots,
The leaves,

The depth of its waters…
Into the unknown

Al cenote me voy,
En el cenote me encuentro.



Lluvia de Milagros Carrasco, born and raised in the San Francisco Bay Area, recently graduated from St. Mary’s College, Moraga, California. During four years of studies, she was active in various art forms and media, for example, she performed spoken word pieces, joined a Chicana Feminist Writers Collective and helped coordinate the college’s first Hip-Hop club named “Elements.” Overall, Lluvia says, she “believes in the power of the womyn author who has been too many times historically erased.” Lluvia co-published The Storm of La Niña: A Chronicle of Today’s Professional Womyn, with Angélica H. Salceda, Amber Butts, Myrna Santiago, and Magdalena G. Carrasco. Copies are available at www.thestormoflanina.com, local bookstores or online booksellers.

Growing up in the Rio Grande Valley...

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Pedro Barrera, the author's father, typing up a 
prescription in the family drugstore, late 1950s

On the wrong side of the tracks, a memoir

By Mario Barrera

Texas'LowerRio GrandeValley was a complex place in the 1950s. Right on the Mexican border, it was evenly divided culturally between Mexican American and “Anglo,” known elsewhere as white. My hometown was economically and politically stratified, with city offices and the larger businesses monopolized by Anglos. Clear-cut residential segregation was marked by the railroad track. The paved streets were mostly on the Anglo side.
My family's modest frame house was a couple of blocks on the “wrong side” of the tracks, in a mixed working class and middle class neighborhood. On one side of our house was a migrant worker household, on the other a plumber's family. A line of fruit and vegetable packing sheds clustered by the railroad tracks.
The social atmosphere at MissionHigh School during the 1950s was marked by a deceptive outward congeniality. Latino and Anglo students mixed easily in classrooms, the school marching band and all sports teams. I and my best friend, Fausto, played on the otherwise Anglo tennis team. I was also on a bowling team with three Anglo students whom I considered friends.

However, friendship was one thing, dating quite another. That is where the rubber met the road, all four tires. At one point one of my brothers went on a movie date with a Danish exchange student, where they were observed by some of the school's Anglo cheerleaders.

Mission Theater, where the author viewed the world 
outside his hometown for 9 cents a ticket, ca 1963.
Both the theater and barbershop next door are gone.
The next day the girl was pulled aside by one of the cheerleaders and told that “we” don't date the Mexican boys here. I'm not sure if a European teenager would have been completely clear on that particular concept of “we.” My mother had attended that same high school during the 1920s. Here is how she described the situation in her day:

There were some very good looking Mexican boys in the high school who started dating Anglo girls and there was quite an uproar about it. The superintendent of schools told the Anglo girls in front of some Mexican girls that the best of the Mexican boys were worse than the worst of the Anglo boys. The Mexican girls went home crying.

So if that was one of the downsides of South Texas ethnicity, there was also an upside. That was brought home to me vividly one warm Valley evening. I and three of my bowling buddies were out rabbit hunting that night, basically just an excuse to hang out and shoot guns. Certainly none of us was eager to eat those tough Texas jackrabbits. That we all survived these types of excursions over the years without getting shot is something of a minor miracle. That particular evening's misadventures included two of us being thrown from the car's fenders when the driver mistook some tumbleweeds for boulders in the road. It hadn't helped that the two fender riders had covered the car's headlights with their legs in a vain effort to get the driver to slow down.
There weren't a lot of muddy spots in the roads in our dry part of the state, but we managed to find one to get stuck in. Despite our best efforts, we were unable to free the car. It was well past midnight, and cell phones were off in the distant future. So now what? It was unlikely that any other cars would be coming down that forsaken dirt road at that time of night. For lack of a better plan, the car's owner stayed with it and the rest of us set out to look for help. In the distance, a couple of coyotes seemed to mock our plight. Fortunately for them, they were out of gun range.
After perhaps a half hour of walking on a dirt road even smaller than the one we got stuck on, we came across one of the small ranchitos that dotted the area. The house was dark. Since I was the only one who spoke Spanish, I became the spokesman by default.
“Buenas noches,” I called out, or something to that effect. No answer at first. I called out again. Still no answer, and no light came on in the house. But we all heard, crystal clear, the ominous clack-clack of a shotgun shell being chambered. Uh-oh.
To our relief, the next thing we heard was “Quien es?” that is to say, “Who is it?”
“My name is Mario Barrera,” I answered, and went on to explain that we were from Mission and our car was stuck in the mud. Still no lights. I hoped he wasn't looking for more shotgun shells.
“Well, who is your family?” the male voice inquired in Spanish.
I explained that my father was Pedro Barrera and he owned the Barrera drugstore in town, the only one in the Spanish-speaking side of town.
After a short pause: “Do you know Cayetano Barrera?”
“He's my uncle.”
“Oh. Well, he delivered me.”
So that was it. We were in like flan, thanks to my father's older brother who had at one time had a medical practice in Missionand regularly drove out to rural areas of the county in his Model T Ford to bring medical care to isolated families. My tío Cayetano had been the first Mexican American to graduate from a Texas medical school, in 1920. He practiced in Missionuntil dying of tuberculosis in 1947, years before my little nocturnal hunting misadventure.
At any rate, with ethnic solidarity established, the Mejicano rancher graciously revved up his old pickup truck and pulled our car out of the mud. A clear victory for roots and bilingualism.
We capped off the evening by throwing two defunct jackrabbits up on the corrugated tin roof of The Eagle's Nest, the local high school burger hangout. Why? No particular reason. To the best of my recollection, it was not my idea. At least, I'd like to think it wasn't.
The next day, our family doctor examined me and assured me that the bruised arm I had suffered as a result of being thrown from the car's front fender was “bent, but not broken.”
I suppose I should have suggested to my father that we drive out and thank the Good Samaritan farmer, but even if it had occurred to me, it's unlikely we could have found the place.




Mario Barrera, born and raised in Mission, Texas, attained a doctorate in political science from the University of California, Berkeley; he taught there and at four other UC schools until retiring in 2000. His best known book, Race and Class in the Southwest (Notre Dame, l979), won a national award from the American Political Science Association. His comedy novel, Kitty and Shep, (Dog Ear Press, 2015) is featured in Somos en escrito. This vignette gives us a taste of the book-length memoir he is working on about his hometown. He lives in Ventura, California.

Oh, to have “steely blue eyes and jutting jaws…”

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 …and “a strong, healthy, superior egoism”



Editor’s Note: The author’s insights into the mindset of Ayn Rand in this story bear some provocative parallels to today’s political conflicts, wherein the issue itself of the role of government is being fought through electoral politics—is the individual solely responsible for oneself and unconcerned about societal issues or should the good of the whole be paramount among the goals of a society, that is, achieving social justice?


An excerpt from Abortive Romances or The Pianist Who Liked Ayn Rand

By Gene Bell-Villada

I

The successes and the sorrows of young Joe, formally christened Jose Victoriano Gonzalez, are the chief subject of this story. Born and raised in Merced, Arizona, an obscure little border town ninety-six auto miles southeast of Tucson, Joe received crucial encouragement and support from two of his high-school teachers, and was the first of his sizeable extended family ever to attend the University.
There he majored in Applied Music (piano, trumpet, and string bass) on generous state scholarships, and found out, much to his delight, that his playing had the potential to charm girls, some of whom, for their part, saw in his playing a resource they might turn to their advantage, without his much realizing they were doing so.
A devout Roman Catholic until age seventeen, he began quietly doubting religion in his final year at Merced High, thoroughly though still quietly abandoning his faith early on as a college freshman, and in time latching onto the then-fashionable thought of Ayn Rand. Thus did young Joe discover the power of ideas, those of rational egoism overcoming the evils of altruism, in particular. But, of that, more later.
At this point let us start out with Joe in his music practice room, seated at the upright piano one mid-April morning in 1961, and dressed in his Army ROTC uniform, which he was required to wear Tuesdays and Thursdays. He had been working on Chopin’s “Black-Key” etude, and, having just muffed the final measures, he was poised to attempt the octaves once again, only to be stopped by the sound and breeze of the door swishing wide open, and further startled by the sight of Jennifer strolling in with minuet-like grace and saying, “Excuse me, Joe, I believe I forgot my book.”
The scent of her perfume brought back certain vivid memories.
In the room next door a trumpet player was going through Haydn’s concerto slowly, note by note.
She walked behind Joe all the way ‘round to his right, stretched her smooth, pale arm toward the furthermost top corner of the piano, and retrieved her copy of Jude the Obscure, which Joe had indeed noticed though failed to think of as hers, the book being so omnipresent at that time of the year.
“Thanks,” she said tersely, heading toward the door. Whereupon Joe blurted out, “No, wait, I’ve got to talk with you.”
Spinning around on her low heels she looked at him without expression and asked, “Oh, what about?”
And in order to understand just what it was about, we must flash back a full eight months to Joe Gonzalez’s initial weeks on campus and the start of his long correspondence with his elder brother Al.

(Joe’s letters to Al follow…)

IV

And now, for the first time in months, in the same practice room where they’d first met and our story had begun, Jennifer and Joe were together again.
“But, Jennifer, what did I do wrong?”
The pianist next door had skipped on to the second theme of the Rachmaninoff.
“Joe. Oh, Joe, you just don’t understand. It’s what you didn’t do.”
“Didn’t do? But I thought I was being tender and considerate.” (In his mind he heard his mother’s words, in border Spanish, “Try to be more considerate.”) He rolled his khaki sleeves down and buttoned them up.
“No, Joe.” The bell-like voice had never been more beautiful than when Jennifer, her face almost roseate from inspiration, said, “All that tenderness was about the last thing either of us needed. You never should have let me get away with acting as I did that night. You should’ve asserted yourself,” she stopped briefly, “and maybe threatened me with a slap or a put-down, anything but sit there and take it from me.”
Joe’s blood was coursing faster even as Rachmaninoff’s arpeggios rose in volume.
“And you never should have let me out of the car. But once you did, I’d actually have felt much more respect for you if you’d simply driven off and let me fend for myself out in the desert and then maybe phoned me at the dorm next day. Or even done to me what Roark first does to Dominique.”
“What? Who’re they?”
“Oooh, yes.” She cut the second word short. “I forget, you’ve never read The Fountainhead.” He could see her laugh, but somehow she made no sound. “Anyway, Dominique’s this beautiful, brilliant architectural writer, and powerful men worship her. One day she’s out in the country, getting distant glimpses of Roark, a genius architect who’s been reduced to cutting rocks at the local quarry. She struts about in her high heels, oozing scorn for him as he sweats down below. His own disdain for her is much stronger, though, and she can’t resist him. That night the guy shows up at her mansion, flings her silently onto the bed, and teaches her a lesson she’ll never forget. Being degraded like some piece of property was just what she wanted. She loves it.”
Joe remained steadily mute and immobile.
“There’s too few strong-willed men in our world, and too many people content with being second-raters. And Joe,” she shook her head, “the fact is, you’re not strong enough for me; it became painfully obvious that night.”
Joe’s grimace was involuntary. “I guess I’m not that lucky, to be so strong.”
Again Jennifer shook her head, much faster. “Lucky? No, Joe. I don’t believe in luck, I’ve told you more than once. Really, life is what the individual makes of it. And a superior man controls his life. He does not depend on others.” For at least a minute she said nothing and gazed toward the keyboard. Then she hummed briefly to the Rachmaninoff, and turned toward the door. “I must go.”
“Wait, Jennifer.” The question seemed to come to him from nowhere. “Lemme ask you: Did you start this whole thing just so I’d accompany you on the piano?”
Flushing red, the pretty face took on a deeply offended aspect. Her lips pursed up, looking fearsome as her indignant retort thundered out, “How could you say such a thing to me? For your information, Joe, I can manage perfectly well by myself, thank you. Did it ever occur to you that I sincerely admired your superior gifts? And still do? I am shocked at your unfair accusation.”
“Sorry, Jennifer, dunno, I was just wondering, OK?” He felt ashamed of having asked, and held out his right hand. “Friends, OK?”
She raised her eyebrows, rolled her green eyes, and, taking a deep breath, spoke more softly. “Oh, all right,” was her reluctant response. “I’m not so sure, though, after hearing you suggest something so vile. I don’t use people, Joe.”
He had already withdrawn his hand. “OK, OK, I apologize, honestly. Friends?” For a long time thereafter, Joe would feel a confused anguish and guilt about his accusation, but now he simply raised his hand once again.
Still radiating her noble fury, Jennifer extended her stiff palm and brusquely shook his, then hastened out. She left the door slightly ajar, and the lingering click of her high heels out in the hall mingled with the sounds of Rachmaninoff’s and Haydn’s difficult passage-work.
Joe stared at the keyboard, then positioned both his hands. Stretching all four outer fingers he surged through the black-key run as if it were a single and indivisible fluid entity. Flawless, his very best. He tightened his necktie, straightened his eyeglasses, and stared again.
Suddenly he reached for his scores, stacked them in no particular order, noticed his hands were trembling slightly, and just sat there, his music on his lap. Out in the corridor, the voice of a redheaded baritone, familiar to him from Theory class, was cracking some joke about parallel fifths. Another guy guffawed, a girl giggled. The trumpeter and pianist on either side were silent.
He donned his ROTC cap, leaped up, gave the door a little push, rushed out and veered left to his locker, gaze fixed downward and never once taking note of the still-bantering threesome, the baritone in a plaid shirt now laughing, in turn, at the Texas couple’s one-line jokes. Joe grabbed his battered schoolbag, threw in his scores, slammed the door shut, and caught sight of Wayne Belli, seated far off in the bandspeople’s cubbyhole with drummer Jake, who was also duly clad in Army ROTC uniform.
As he scurried toward the stairs, always looking downward, he could hear his regulation plain black shoes squeaking rhythmically, then Wayne joshing in his ever-jovial voice, “Hey, there’s our house Mex, goofin’ off again.” Joe bounded up the stairs two at a time, wondering why Wayne pronounced his last name Bel-eye instead of Belly, didn’t seem exactly right. Eleven forty-four, the wall clock said.
“Oh, damn, English class, I’d almost clean forgot,” he muttered.
The bike ride across campus felt almost exhilarating. There was almost no one on the paths as he coasted alongside the Library and on to Liberal Arts, where English 3, advanced section, took place in a basement room. Arriving more than ten minutes late, he took off his cap and sat alone in the back row, unable to shake from his mind what Jennifer had told him. Fumbling in his bag, he realized he’d left Jude the Obscure in his dorm room or his locker. It hardly mattered, though, inasmuch as there was little Joe could glean from class discussion while he sat in a back corner, staring at his open notebook. He did wonder if it were more than just coincidence when a pretty blonde coed in the front row firmly asserted that “Jude’s problem is he’s weak,” and he duly wrote down and pondered her insistent comments on this score. He also caught a few stray sentences from Mr. Green’s short lecture about Hardy’s “fatalism,” and considered looking up the word later that day, yet never did. The entirety of his notes added up to about twelve lines. Writing to his brother Al later that day, he related the morning’s episode, and finished saying, “Feel worthless. Wish I was dead sometimes.”

V

During the weeks that followed, Joe’s lack of appetite led to a seven-and-a-half pound weight loss. Even his letters to Al became shorter and less frequent. Still, the Chopin etudes he performed in a mid-May recital went well enough, if a trifle fast. Meanwhile he began being hired to play piano regularly, and trumpet occasionally, for Wayne Belli’s group –“Wayne’s Five” – and its series of end-of-year gigs. The relationship with the band was thereby cemented, and would last throughout Joe’s remaining three years up at the University. The group actually played another engagement at Kaibab Hall, and there as most everywhere else Jennifer Jaspers was in Joe’s thoughts. Save for a brief passing “hello,” however, the two never spoke again, scarcely saw one another in fact.
Because Jennifer was the first girl Joe had ever dated much or (excepting prostitutes) tasted physical contact with, he remained strongly attached to the memory of her, dwelling on it in his mind persistently if not obsessively. Yet he also felt that the romance had remained an incomplete and abortive matter, given Jennifer’s grasp of topics of which he, alas, knew nothing. And so, still overwhelmed by the experience, and hoping to understand it and learn from it, before departing for Merced for the summer he spent a portion of his most recent gig payment on crisp new paperback copies of Anthem, The Fountainhead, Atlas Shrugged, and a collection of essays, all by Ayn Rand. Reading her books was to be among Joe’s summer projects, along with some weekend dance jobs and other forms of employment.
Back in Merced, when not otherwise busy, Joe sat for hours on end in the bedroom he had once shared with Al, or on the front porch of the modest adobe-style house, immersing himself in one of Rand’s volumes – much to the annoyance of his parents, who occasionally would come looking for him and urge him to join in a family activity or meals. Being a slow reader, he needed time and exerted no small effort in getting through the two heftier tomes, but eventually he understood and gradually assimilated Rand’s thinking, and indeed was strongly persuaded by her logic and art as to the depth and power of Objectivist philosophy. Often he daydreamed of him and Jennifer, reclining side by side on their favorite lawn, holding hands, and reading long passages from The Fountainhead to one another. Sometimes he faintly wished he had been blessed with the steely blue eyes and jutting jaws of Ayn Rand’s strong, noble heroes.
Joe attended Mass exactly twice that June, if only to please his mother. On the afternoon of July 4th, however, he informed her that he no longer accepted “mysticism” and would not be going to church again, a development she accepted silently. At any rate, whenever he had a Saturday job with “Wayne’s Five” he’d usually been staying up in Tucson, so that he wasn’t back in Merced till Sunday afternoon. At his mom’s suggestion he did drop in one evening on Mrs. Pratt, who was warmly gratified at his rapid musical progress, while her husband, also a teacher, humorously asked Joe how he’d been treating “that old upright heap” they’d sold him at a nominal price some years ago. Joe smiled and said that he still practiced on it every day.
At the time of this visit Joe was temporarily employed part time in a work crew at the nearby stone quarry, and the boss’s leggy teen-aged daughter –a tall, aloof, strawberry blonde – actually used to come strolling in her tight capris and red pumps, making him wonder whether he or anybody else could be Howard Roark to her Dominique Francon someday.
Toward summer’s end he had thoroughly imbibed Ayn Rand’s system, so much so that both Joe’s parents (and brother Al, on furlough) expressed to him a certain curiosity about these books, this writer who seemingly had cast a spell over their Joe. In response, he tried summarizing Rand’s complex plotlines, as a means of conveying to them her philosophy, though time and again they’d either yawn and doze off without much comment, or give him a bewildered look and reflect, for example, thus:
MOTHER: ¿Que cosa es esa?
FATHER: ¿Que ideas mas extranas.
Or, AL: Esa mujer está loca!
Paquita, his kid sister, attempted to read Anthem but soon gave up, laying it aside on the turquoise-colored sofa and saying, “This stuff’s simply weird,” which made Joe assume that at her age – twelve-and-a-half – she was just too young to understand. During the last weekend in August, when their parents were off seeing friends in Las Cruces, Joe went for a solitary walk by the quarry and, standing at the rocky ledge while contemplating the rich sunset, he raised his hand and, slowly, made the sign of the dollar.

*

On his return to University the next month, Joe was hoping to impress Jennifer with his new knowledge. To his disappointment, however, he soon discovered that the girl hadn’t come back, and no one really knew why. His casual inquiries yielded conflicting accounts: she had eloped with a football-player sweetheart from high school, she had transferred to USC, she had done both or neither. Joe never found out for sure; nobody seemed to have her Palo Alto address, nor had he and she traded such information while they’d been dating. And it did not occur to him simply to inquire at the Registrar’s office.
Meanwhile Joe only dimly sensed the specifically personal, academic, and political reasons that had motivated Jennifer’s past interest in him. Rather he dwelled on the disturbing set of concepts that she’d introduced him to in the practice room during their final meeting, and he now accepted the painful lessons of those few months as his necessary initiation into the opaque, strange ways of male-female romance.
Joe was coming of age at a time when notions such as those voiced by Jennifer were far from uncommon fare. Certainly he’d always known that men sought and needed women who’d submit to male control. What was newly revealing for him was to think back on women who had made stray statements eerily suggestive of his ex-girl friend’s own. Sitting around Merced High cafeteria, the Desert Shack, or the University’s buildings he had actually overheard on different occasions a girl remark to another, “I want to be dominated,” “I need someone who’ll push me around,” or “If a man’s weak enough, I’ll walk all over him.” In the light of his learning experience with Jennifer, he began to grasp that those catch-phrases of late-adolescent and young-adult love-talk were indeed casual instances of the laws of life and love.
For the moral to be drawn from this whole episode, Joe grimly came to realize, was that, yes, Jennifer was right; alas: he had indeed not demonstrated manly strength out in the desert. He now recalled comparable past moments during which he had responded with sickly altruism and despicable weakness when a strong, healthy, superior egoism was what was called for. To his current regret, back in high school he had once allowed flute-player Cristy to send him fetching coffee, instead of his remaining seated and simply telling her, “Fetch it yourself.” He had let classmate and neighbor Angie be consistently grumpy with him at junior prom, had let newcomer Lucinda sass him for mispronouncing English words like “covet” or “won” at a party after their movie date, and so on... And yet, though they’d initiated verbal force with him, he’d then seen them home and even asked for a good-night kiss, rather than counter-mock them or maybe leave them stranded somewhere, as they deserved. Brooding on these matters over his sophomore year at college, Joe felt an odd gratitude toward Jennifer and wished he could drop her a note of thanks. But he also knew that any such token of gratitude would be taken by her as continuing weakness on his part.
And so Joe now readied himself to apply the lessons learned from Jennifer. The initial opportunity arose in February, just a few days after the anniversary of their key experience out in the desert. It was on a cool Thursday night; he had biked to a Juilliard String Quartet recital at the Music building and there casually encountered a pixyish little freshman from back East named Sue. He walked his bicycle as they headed for coffee at Mac’s (their third time out) and later sat on the grassy mound next to the Library, where they continued to chat about the concert and the new semester.
Then, at some point, as Joe was recounting the first-rate piano riff he had come up with at a gig last Tuesday, Sue got up and started dancing the Twist, a new rock-and-roll style that he did not much appreciate.
He stopped midway through his sentence and asked, somewhat irritably, “Why don’t you sit down?”
“’Cause I wanna dance, that’s why,” was her slightly defiant answer.
Joe bolted up, said curtly, “OK, you dance,” hopped onto his bike. As he pedaled off he scarcely heard her shouting, “Joe, wait, no, come back.” Thereafter he was approached by her a couple of times in the Music front hall and library, but he just ambled on, saying, “Have to go, see y’,” feeling that on each occasion the experiment had proved satisfactory.
An episode the following month provided him another measure of pride. He was at the A & W Drive-in up on Speedway with a cute sophomore from Kingman, Liz Willis, a psychology major and marching-band clarinetist, who for a good portion of their date had been discoursing on her many admirers and boy friends, both past and present.
“Strange breed, men are,” she said.
It being a weekday night, cars were few, and service was fast. Joe finished his root beer, signaled to have the tray picked up, and switched on the ignition as she talked, now about Ed, the engineering grad student who had a mad crush on her.
Suddenly he leaned over, unlocked her door and gave it a sharp push, followed by a soft tap on her bare shoulder. “Well, Liz, I guess you should be dating Ed and all those other guys instead. So why don’t you get out of my car.” He stared calmly through the windshield.
She gazed at him, speechless, and after some seconds had ticked by, shook her small blond head. “I don’t understand. I mean... is this a joke?”
“No, baby, it’s not.”
“Well,” she hesitated, “aren’t you supposed to escort me back home?”
Whipping his face around, he saw her huge, pained, sky-blue eyes, and stated coldly, “I have no obligation to you whatsoever.” Then, pointing with his right index finger, he added, simply, “Out.”
Biting a slightly curled lower lip, she plucked up her pink cardigan from the middle of the seat, placed it over her shoulders, slowly stepped out, gently shut the door, and presumably returned to Maricopa Hall by taxi, or perhaps by bus, he never knew, since he never troubled to speak to her again.
Meanwhile Joe was slowly evolving into the “make-out artist” he had once yearned to be. A major step took place next summer, in Tucson, where he’d stayed on to play a series of dance jobs that Wayne Belli had lined up at several hotels and rest homes, some as far away as Flagstaff. Needing to work on some new tunes, Joe headed for his habitual practice room one afternoon, absent-mindedly pulled open the door, and nearly collided head-on with a petite, slim coed with flaming red hair, sea-green eyes, and a UCLA T-shirt. The two of them burst into laughter, struck up a conversation. She was actually from Scottsdale, near Phoenix, a music education major and Spanish minor, who couldn’t take the L.A. smog and so’d come to U. of A. summer school to get her science out of the way and also keep up with oboe; Lynn was her name.
On their first full evening out days later they sat at one of the scarce free spots available around the “grassing” area next to the Library. She tried practicing her Spanish with him, he answered only in English. When a lull eventually ensued, the girl slithered up slowly onto her legs, yawning mezzo-piano as, fingers interlocked, she let her bare, freckled, moonlit arms stretch forward.
“And what if I were to step down right this minute?” she now inquired, raising a shapely, besandaled foot just inches above Joe’s flat belly.
Thinking fast, Joe grabbed her by the ankle, flipping her down onto the soft grass. She giggled in astonishment, her bright eyes big and wide. Then they hugged and kissed with a tremulous passion, necking as long as her dorm hours would permit, tonguing, petting, and pressing their denim-clad flesh to the allowable erotic limits of the time.
More than once over the next few weeks, as Joe lay on top of Lynn, taking his limited pleasures with her amid the aroma of freshly-cut grass, always by the same fruit tree, he’d wink at her and whisper, “Come on, Lynn, let’s go all the way. I know a nice secluded spot up in Sabino Canyon.”
She in turn would look up at him with her roguish smile, shake her head in a wide arc from side to side, and reply, “Naughty boy. Uh-uh, that’s for my wedding night.” The banter, with variations, became almost routine with them. Conversely, as they’d go strolling or be simply relaxing somewhere about the University grounds, Lynn would ask, “Hey, Joe, like to accompany me at oboe lesson tomorrow?”
And Joe too would shake his head, he in a fast quiver, then flash her a small grin and raise his jaw. “Nope. I’m not a boy scout, or some dumb altruist either.”
“God, you are really selfish,” Lynn observed once.
“That’s right,” he retorted quickly yet modestly.
As the couple sat at Memorial Fountain one cloudy night toward session’s end, at the height of the dog days, Lynn elbowed him and coaxed him yet again with, “C’mon, Joe, I need an accompanist for oboe jury this week.”
“OK, Lynn, I’m game,” he at long last conceded. “What’ll you pay me?” he asked.
Her green eyes now almost glowed bright with incredulity. “Pay? Are you serious? That’s so mercenary.” She emitted a nervous chuckle. “Greedy.”
“Greedy, right,” Joe echoed her. “Anything wrong with that? There’s no free lunch, you know.” He pushed on. “OK, I’ve got a better idea. We find some quiet place tonight and go all the way; then I’ll accompany you on your jury.”
After turning utterly silent, she remarked. “That’s really disgusting, Joe. You’re sick.”
“Not at all,” Joe struck a dignified, noble pose as he consciously drew from John Galt’s speech in Atlas Shrugged. “I’m a trader, and all I want is fair exchange and equal value. You give me sex, I’ll give you top-quality musical service.”
The girl merely said, “You’re weird.”
He blew out a gush of air, stood up to face down at her, gestured with his left index finger as he announced carefully, “So go accompany yourself.” Hands in his pocket, he rushed off, and managed never to cross paths with her for the remainder of summer school.
What kept surprising Joe over the next few years, as he’d often reflect to his brother Al, was the number of Anglo girls who seemed to appreciate his attitudes and actions. Repeatedly he’d pass their tests, prove to them he was strong, and their romantic interest in him actually increased.
On the other hand, the following summer an olive-skinned sophomore from New York called Ruthie, whose exotic features Joe at first construed as gypsy-like, responded differently to his newly-found philosophy of strength. A combined Art and History major at some progressive college back home, she also played decent alto sax, and the two had blown impromptu duets, just for fun, in her practice room.
As they drove up to A-Mountain one starry Friday night, Joe discoursed on his system of selfishness, and in time placed his hand on Ruthie’s bare knee.
Calmly, she plucked off the hand as if it were a starched clean napkin, restored it to the steering wheel, and said melodically, with good Spanish phonemes, “Macho, macho, macho.” Shifting back to her New York voice she then remarked, “Trying to pull some Latin-lover shtick on me? Looks like Spanish mentality dies hard.”
“False,” Joe countered quickly. “I picked up my ideas from Ayn Rand, who’s Anglo.” He raised his chin triumphantly. “And,” he added with a heightened sense of victory, “a woman, by the way.”
“So? I don’t care what she is.” As Ruthie got more impassioned her New York accent turned thicker. “Besides, since when are Russians ‘Anglos’ as you say? And for your information,” she remarked, “Ayn Rand is full of shit.”
“What?” Joe was completely taken aback. A “nice” girl who’d swear like that was something new to him.
“You heard me,” Ruthie continued, now more softly, with a smile, “Ayn Rand’s full of it and a fascist creep, too. Maybe you’re this hot-shot musical prodigy, Joe Gonzalez, but you don’t know zilch about much else.” She gave him a charming, friendly smile that contradicted the harsh judgments and made him feel better.
Her two words, “shtick” and “zilch,” were also new to Joe, and he asked for definitions on their next night out, since his dictionary had failed to list either of them. “Fascism” and “fascist” did have entries, though he couldn’t see how they squared with Rand’s opposition to tyrants and staunch belief in freedom, an inconsistency that he later mentioned to Ruthie yet elicited from her only a chuckle, a shrug of her shoulders, and then silence.


Photo by Stephanie Chiha
Gene Bell-Villada, born in Haiti and raised in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Venezuela, is a professor of Romance Languages and Literatures at Williams College, Williamstown, Massachusetts. His essays include critiques on Jorge Luis Borges and Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Art for Art’s Sake and Literary Life (1996), and an autobiography, Overseas American: Growing Up Gringo in the Tropics. As a novelist, he has published a collection of stories, The Pianist Who Liked Ayn Rand, and the satirical novel, The Carlos Chadwick Mystery: A Novel of College Life and Political Terror. Both are available from Amador Publishers, local bookstores and online booksellers.

The Pianist Who Liked Ayn Rand, a novella and 13 stories was originally published in 1998, copyright Gene Bell-Villada, but recently reprinted by Amador Publishers. 

What makes America “good”

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Somos en escrito The Latino Literary Online Magazine

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How to Define the “Character of America”

Thoughts on Searching for America in the Streets of Laredo, a memoir

By Fernando Piñon

The author reflects on his memoir, set in the border town of Laredo, Texas, which he offers as a starting point for a broader assessment of what makes America “good,” a quality of social order that, he points out, has been sought since the writings of the Greek philosophers dating back 2,500 years. Such soul-searching, sadly, has become extremely critical in light of what is happening now in the electoral politics of the USA. –Editor’s note.

To the ancient Greeks, the word “arête”meant that which makes a person be good at something. A woman’s arête, for example, was measured by her beauty, by the purity of her manners, and by her wise economic management. The arête of a farmer was determined by his work being done at the right time and with the rhythm of nature, the arête of a warrior was his “valor” in battle, and that of a ruler was what Plato referred to as a “philosopher-king.”
But the Greeks would not take thearête of anything for granted, and they would always search for that particular element which made someone “good” at something. What, they would ask, is the arête of being a good father, a good husband, a good blacksmith or a good citizen?
In a way, my search for America was a search for America’s arête, a quest to determine just exactly what makes America “good.” Is it its Constitution, its democracy, its electoral system, its economy, its judicial system, or its people? But like the ancient Greeks, we must be forthright and truthful in our assessment of America’s arête. Otherwise, we will never find the true essence of our country’s “virtuousness” and our private and public lives will always be in a state of continuous dissonance.
As such, we cannot merely assume America is “good” simply because of the lofty declarations that are deeply engrained in the American narrative. America did not become a “great” country just because Thomas Jefferson declared it to be “the world’s best hope” or because John Winthrop defined it as “a city upon a hill.” Moreover, Americans did not become “exceptional” because Thomas Paine believed it was within our power “to begin the world again,” or because Herman Melville asserted that “Americans are the peculiar, the Chosen People, the Israel of our times. We bear the Ark of the liberation of the world.”
These famous utterances of the American narrative did not make America great; they merely helped to create the mythological ideology upon which the American narrative is based -- an assumption of what America was supposed to be and of the chosen Western European people who were destined to make it so. These are the assumptions which led to the Melting Pot, the theory which held that to be “an American” one had to shed the culture of one’s native country and become a WASP. It is a narrative so deeply engrained in our psyche that most Americans believe we are, indeed, an “exceptional people” and why any criticism of America is often taken as being “un-American.”
In a way, I started searching for America’s arête since I was growing up in Laredo during the 1950 and early 1960s, and I did so because the American narrative through which America’s arête was defined did not reflect my reality as a Mexican American living in a barrio a stone’s throw from the Rio Grande. America, I was taught, was the land of the brave and the home of the free, the country which prized equality before the law and which offered immigrants the opportunity to work so they too could share in the “American Dream.”
But the reality in which I was growing up didn’t reflect these lofty ideals. My reality was that of a South Texas in which Mexican Americans were segregated, where the vote was manipulated, where Mexican American students were herded into a vocational education curriculum, where their culture was devalued and where they were denied jobs of power and delegated into jobs of service. I realized that as a Mexican American, I was stuck in an American ideology that did not reflect my reality, thus creating the socio-political dissonance that predominates in the lives of most Mexican Americans even today.
Yet, as I searched for the America I was taught really existed, I soon learned that not only Mexican Americans but American society itself have been living in a state of dissonance for several years, if not decades. As Americans, for example, we worship the motto of E Pluribus Unum, but are distrustful of each other and characterize each other as “givers” and “takers.” We cherish our democracy, but do not trust “government,” and allow for the manipulation of the electoral mechanism. We praise the American worker, but hesitate to establish a living wage and deny them the power to organize.
We relish “America the Beautiful” but criticize government when it attempts to curb pollution and permit the destruction of our “spacious skies,” and “mountain majesties,” and the fields of “amber waves of grain.” We revere the concept of equality but are caught in a systemic web of intolerance and discrimination that we seem powerless to eradicate. We glorify the immigrant as being the building block of our society, but rail against the newcomers from south of the border.
So what and where is that arête which we believe makes America great? What has happened to the American narrative so gloriously -- but fictitiously -- described in our American narrative by our “Founding Fathers?”
While attempting to deal with all these questions, I came to the realization that America’s arête was right in the very town in which I grew up. Laredoans have lived under the political authority of seven flags. Yet, even as they have seen countries come and go, Laredo still remains a closely-knit community whose people are tied more to its history and its culture than to its flags. Laredoans understand that while governments can be created by one generation – such as Mexico in 1810, Texas in 1836, or the United States in 1789 – societies evolve in history.
This is what Edmund Burke, the English philosopher, told us this many years ago, when he wrote that “society… is a partnership in all science, in all art, in all virtue and in all perfection. Since the objective of this partnership cannot be obtained in one generation, this contract becomes a partnership not only between those who are living but between those who are living, those who are dead and those who are yet to be born.”
Like Burke, Laredoans have understood that it is not the state that empowers people, but the cultural cohesiveness of the people that empowers the nation. The greatness that was Rome took centuries to achieve – and it was not built by the strength and power of its emperors, or by the privileged status of its patrician population, but through the character, diversity, talent and dedication of its common people, the plebe. Christianity itself became a great religion not because of the eloquence of papal encyclicals or by the benevolence of bishops but by the actions of its common believers.
In fact, Scripture describes the Kingdom of God as a woman who sweeps the house in search of a coin, and like a father who has a great feast upon the return of his prodigal son, both prophetic examples which demonstrate that it is the common people in society that are the guiding force in history. And perhaps what is even more important is that countries that fail to understand this do so at their own peril.
The monarchies of Europe, for example, fell not because the Kings became despotic and people rose up against them, but because common people who used to believe in “divine right” ceased to do so. It was they who decided that Divine Right was no match for the vitality and relevance of the “social contract” which they had accepted. The monopoly of dogma which the Catholic Church enjoyed for centuries crumbled not because Christianity lost its fervor, but because the Catholic doctrine of “papal infallibility”could not compete with the principle of“freedom of conscience”which the common people had begun to accept.
By the same token, mercantilism succumbed not because the nation states lost their power to protect their colonies and their trade, but because mercantilism could not contain the onslaught of “free enterprise” capitalism launched by small merchants.
As a Laredoan, I know that Laredoans have always given the “Founding Fathers” their due, as demonstrated every year in February when the whole city celebrates “Washington’s Birthday” with a multi-day celebration that includes a man and a woman portraying George and Martha Washington. But as working people, they also understand the greatness of America is not due to the triumphant ideology which clothes the American narrative, but to what Carl Sandburg observed in his poem, Chicago: “Come and show me another city with lifted head singing so proud to be alive and course and strong and cunning….Fierce as a dog with tongue lapping for action, cunning as a savage pitted against the wilderness. Bareheaded, shoveling, wrecking, planning, building, breaking, rebuilding under the smoke, dust all over his mouth, laughing with white teeth under the terrible burden of destiny -- laughing as a young man laughs…proud to be the hog butcher, tool maker, stacker of wheat, player with railroads and freight handler to the nation.”
Sandburg didn’t see the hog butchers, tool makers and stackers of wheat as immigrants or as citizens, nor did he notice the languages they spoke nor the texture of their skin. He saw them merely as workers whose toil was reshaping American society into the diverse, energetic and dynamic society which made possible the industrial revolution – and ultimately modern America. And if he had written his poem a generation later, he also would not have noticed that the hog butchers, tool makers and stackers of wheat were now mostly Mexican immigrants – like my own parents who, like thousands of other Mexican immigrants who fled from the violence of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, ended up in Chicago in the 1920s.
In Laredo, I grew up with people who every year would go “al norte, a las piscas,” with recently arrived immigrants who spoke little or no English and worked in the fields, with Mexican students who were here only to study, with people with “green cards” who crossed the international bridge every day to work in the different department stores, with people who were descendants of the original settlers of Laredo and were involved in ranching and agriculture, and with people who had come to Laredo to open up new businesses.
All of us lived in what for many years was considered to be the poorest city in the country, the one with unpaved streets, scorching heat, and the one identified as the “most Mexican” of American cities. But while we may have lacked the wealth, municipal services, and public infrastructures that people had in other cities, we always knew who we were, where we had come from and where we were going.
My grandfather used to collect cardboard at Sears, and then load them into a little red wagon I had been given one Christmas so he could sell it at a business some 20 blocks away. My mother was a seamstress and my father was a bracero in the Napa Valley in California. As most Laredoans, our family was money poor but culturally rich simply because we were raised in a culture of inclusion and empowerment– the very modelthrough which the United States can truly become e pluribus unum– from the many, one.
Somehow, Laredoans have always understood what Harvard historian Orlando Patterson meant when he wrote that “Americanculture doesn’t belong to any group; it is constantly changing, and it is open. What is needed is recognition that the accurate metaphor or model for this wider literacy is not domination, but dialectic. Each group participates and contributes, transforms and is transformed, as much as any other group.”
This was the lesson that was given to me by another Laredoan, one of my students at San Antonio College. After class, a young, enthusiastic, bright girl whose features were unmistakably Anglo asked me in perfect Spanish, “Es usted de Laredo, Profesor Piñón?” I was surprised she could speak Spanish so well, and I told her so. “Yo también soy de Laredo,” she told me. Then, in perfect English, she goes on to tell me who her grandfather was – one I knew as a prominent Anglo American attorney. Her father, she told me, married a Villarreal.
As she talked to me, I realized I had, indeed, found the real America. This young girl was the proud product of two cultures and histories converging with each other on equal terms, not one culture seeking to dominate the other.
She understood that speaking Spanish and clinging to her Spanish/Mexican culture did not minimize her identity with America but expanded on what it meant to be “an American.” And her confidence and cheerfulness showed me that it is people like her who will, indeed, change, and legitimatize, the character of America and that this can happen if the country will follow what Laredo has done for decades.


Fernando Piñon is a recently retired professor of political science at San Antonio College and an adjunct professor at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Among several books he has published on Mexican American politics are Of Myths and Realities: La Raza Unida Party in Texas, Vantage Press, New York, 1976, and Dynamics of U. S. Government: Culture, Ideology, Politics and Law,” Kendall-Hunt, Dubuque, Iowa, 2009. Searching for America is available from the publisher, Centro de Estudios Sociales Antonio Gramsci A.C., UAM Iztapalapa (2015) and from the usual online booksellers.


Love that bleeds, is bitter, drugged, and dies

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Sketch by Mia C. Valadez, 17 year-old daughter of the author


A Triangle of Poems

By Juan Carlos Valadez

String

Must we always
sacrifice ourselves
for the sake of love?
The romantic love
that we think we deserve.

Love that bleeds:
thick blood that drips
then strangles a lover
till breathing transforms
a reality to a dream,
a far away dream
that dies with human exposure.

Love that runs
to an empty space
where doubt is the norm.
Love that
paces wildly searching
for a place to rest, a
spot where pain is
nonexistent.
Always an— unrealistic—
expectation.


The Master

Even in the dark
The disease of drug addiction
Has the power to get my attention.

Tonight the disease is dressed in black;
It hides in the shell of a beautiful woman.
She walks fast, nervous, alone with an empty destiny.

Surviving on a wage of desperation,
It is never enough to live on—that is all she has.
A distant mother—a committed slave to this disease.

            Surviving in a lost world, waiting for
            Death; roaming around with a broken purpose,
            Hoping, to collect five dollars for a hit.

Sneaking around, running from the disease.
Seeking a way to feed her ruptured, selfish soul…
Speaking to a drug induced brain—her faithful companion.

            Lurking to share, inflict her pain on another user;
            Licking her dry, scabbed, burned lips;
            Lamenting that her daughters—a kiss—tasted her shame.



Dungeon

Zombies, witches, and skeletons
Melting in a dark room.

Biting their long, filthy nails
Filled with black dirt
From living around other creatures.

Scratching,                  pulling,
The bits of hair they have left on their heads—
Heads that have no sense.

Licking their waterless, colorless,
Shapeless lips. Useless lips
Only eat remains—not food.

Twitching, twisting,
Cramped together on this love couch,
Hiding, where no human will find them.

Leaning on each other, sharing
A rusty blanket of cocaine—
Bleeding from their hearts.



Juan Carlos Valadez, a graduate in English from UC Los Angeles in 2007, resides in Los Angeles, California. His poems have been included in “Bandana Republic: A Literary Anthology by Gang Members and Their Affiliates” (2008); “City Works” Literary Journal (2008), and “Statement” Literary Journal (2008). He is working on a memoir and a collection of his poems.

How to make something out of nothing

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Excerpts from Three Tides: Writing at the Edge of Being

By Cecile Pineda

Cecile Pineda will read from Three Tides in a pre-publication launch of the book, Saturday, September 24, 2016, from 2 to 3:30 p.m. in the Main Berkeley Public Library, 2090 Kittredge Street, Berkeley. A Q&A session is planned. The event is free and wheel chair accessible.

INTRODUCTION

Three Tideswas conceived with the writer in mind—someone, you perhaps—who may find craft manuals ultimately unsatisfying because none of them ever seems to address the matter of origination, the mysterious how of Making Something Out of Nothing. Three Tides aims to fill that gap.
That said, although there are probably as many ways to read a book as there are readers, before starting out I would like to share— with you, the reader—a simple map, a navigational chart if you will. There is a fundamental reason this work is presented to you in three sections. Each subtitle draws on the unifying water image of the title, and each section develops the underlying theme, namely, how does a work come to be made? (At this point you might ask: why water?)
This writer’s process suggests a cycle in three stages: Emptying (“Watershed”); Gathering (“Out of the Whirlwind”); and Making Something (“Like Snow Melting in Water”).
A word about “Making Something.” I prefer explicitly avoiding words like “create” or “creativity” because they seem hollow to me, overused and overrated. I prefer the expression “Making Something.” It’s a word choice favored by six-year-olds. Its full expression might go: “Don’t bother me. I am making something.” It carries with it the full assurance of mystery, surprise, and above all of commitment, of uncompromising non-negotiability. It is that level of commitment that distinguishes both the six-year–old and the true artist, including the artist-of-words, the writer. You.
     I began life as a theater maker, the director/founder of an experimental theater company whose performance works originated in collective (through the medium of improvisation) creation. Or collective Making Something, the expression I prefer. The theater taught me everything I know about the art of words. The wellsprings of our theater practice was the impulse, allowing risk to flow uncensored from bodily sound and movement. Above all else, the theater (similarly to film) privileges the visual over the verbal. Primarily, mine is a right-brain, visual imagination. There are no craft manuals that I know of that outline a program for freeing the visual imagination. I know only of theater exercises designed to awaken and free sense memory. As Clarice Lispector and Luisa Valenzuela urged (see Bibliography), I write with the body. Just about everything I write originates in visceral sensation, exactly like the sound and movement impulse which lay at the root of the style of theater I once practiced.
Three Tidesis designed to offer a pathway. It is a pathway you the writer are invited to follow—as you might follow a trail of bread crumbs in the great forest of possibility—only one modest path. I offer it as one casts bread on the water, hoping it may return the riches of reward to your own shores.


FOREWORD

On memoirs in general and this one in particular

“Watershed,” which occupies the following pages, presumes to be something of a memoir: a memoir of war, lost years, and national catastrophe, a memoir of a period in this writer’s life. To imagine a memoir has much resemblance to the truth, at least in the way truth is understood, probably amounts to a sort of delusion. Memoir may be no more reliable than autobiography, which undoubtedly shares with it some equally fictional characteristics. But this short memoir concerns itself less with questions of truth. Rather its intent is to raise questions having to do with the play of forces at work in the life of a writer, and to examine some of their unforeseen results.
On the 800th anniversary year of Beckett’s martyrdom at Canterbury Cathedral, my experimental theater company staged its debut performance in the sanctuary of San Francisco’s Grace Cathedral with a production score based on the words of T.S. Eliot’s Murder in the Cathedral. At the conclusion of one performance, a member of the audience approached me. He posed a question, which has intrigued me ever since: “How did you do that?” he wanted to know.
The how of what artists do is never easily explained. Even artists themselves find the alchemy of their art inexplicable. We live a little, things happen to us and to those about us for whom we deeply care, but the how and why of what emerges remains a mystery.
This work is intended to present a period in a life, a watershed if you will, where out of a crucible of personal challenge and under the pall of my own country’s McPolitics, something emerged which I could neither plan nor foresee.
  

CecilePineda, born in New York City’s Harlem to a Mexican professor of languages and a French-Swiss artist and teacher, moved to San Francisco in 1961, where from 1969 to 1981 she produced and directed her own experimental theatercompany. Her debut novel, Face, won wide acclaim as have her other works. Her previous book, Apology to a Whale: Words to Mend a World, is based on her growing awareness of the interconnectedness of all things on Earth. Three Tides is available from the publisher, Wingspress.com. Her website is at cecilepineda.com.



Just to make things absolutely clear…

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Disambiguating a Clot of Gold


Chicano Confidential


The Disambiguation of Gentrification in Aztlan

By Sonny Boy Arias

We spent the first part of the summer in Northern Aztlan frequenting Rocio’s Chicano Restaurant in Southeast Portland (the same Rocio of Rocio’s Restaurant in South San Diego), throwing back tequila shooters at El Bar in a faux barrio in the community of Lents (Foster & 70th). We met with Azteca Danzantes from Vancouver who after 20 years have decided to form a non-profit and start asking for funds to support their endeavors, which include the establishment of Portland’s first Latino Cultural Center. Imaginate! 
And now for a few weeks we are in Southern Aztlan in Barrio Logan/Chicano Park. Hijole! I would rather be here than in Paris, Rome or New York. I love the barrio no matter where in Aztlan it may be.
When I look around our barrios I see gentrification and social change and I am reminded that we must always secure a place at the community planning table. There are uncanny similarities between Portland (Oregon) and San Diego, like the growing number of beer drinking Chicano hipsters all tatted-up, rings in their noses, plugs in their ears and walking with a snap to their step while in tight jeans and tennis shoes
And the word is out that the cost of living in Portland is lower than in places like San Diego so Chicanos are seeking refuge in their Mexican heritage and moving their multigenerational families to large inexpensive homes (by San Diego standards) in the forest of the Willamette Valley overlooking Mount Hood; imagine that – Chicanos in the trees. When it comes to familia, Chicanos have strong values for life and a philosophy SIN MÁS?
It’s not difficult to see the impact of rapid gentrification on the Chicano community; it’s like a Tattoo Shop owner friend of mine in Barrio Logan tells me:
“You know things are changing when White girls in jean shorts can be seen walking freely in Chicano Park.” It’s true! People that we have never seen are now roaming freely throughout the barrio; it’s rapidly becoming a tourist trap.
Last week there were dozens of aliens from other planets making their way through Barrio Logan having made their way from nearby Comic Con to eat tacos at Salud where things are not only a toda madre but also un desmadre! I saw Wonder Woman eating tacos parados.
Yes, the barrio in Aztlan is changing in ways my grandmother would have never imagined and there is direct proof in Salud’s menu. For instance, they serve up El Veggie Taco made of soyrizo and potato, mixed with grilled red bell peppers, onion and zucchini with avocado and julienned peppers. That’s right; they took out the manteca and it is still good only if you add one of their salsas like El Smokey with chipotle flavors and hints of smoke.
Gentrification in our barrios started long ago. Historically, Chicanos have been displaced from their homes in massive efforts as we experienced when they built the Coronado Bridge in San Diego (Chicano Park) and Dodger Stadium (Chavez Ravine) and the Auraria Higher Education Complex in downtown Denver. Chicanos have been slow at organizing efforts to thwart displacement but we are getting better at it.

April 9, 2016 Stop Gentrification Poster in San Diego
Note Cesar Chavez wall mural upper right


So we welcomed an invitation from a couple of Chicana hipsters and were moved to hear about future planning from the Environment Health Coalition of San Diego, shedding light on issues specific to women as we had identified years before in creating a space for change in San Ysidro by pointing out that the more cars that idle waiting their turn to pass the U.S.-Mexico border, the thinner the uterus walls become due to high-levels of chloro-floro carbons, “CFCs,” for short. Imaginate!
Chicanos are making inroads against gentrification as well. In their cry to “Help Make History,” today’s Chicano hipster-millennials continue la lucha in their quest to create a Chicano Park Museum, god bless them! I have to ask, “What will the museum contain?” “Will it have the boxing gloves of the ‘Bandit,’ the Chicano boxer who fought 300 bouts and was the only one ever to knock down the great Archie Moore (a San Diego champion)?” “Will it have the plaster tile of my grandmother (currently on the wall near the water in Chicano Park) in the white outfit required of her as she toiled on the nearby assembly line?” “Will it contain pictures of the façade of the First Bank of Italy (1891) owned by my family that became the birthplace of the now famous Porky Land Meats only to be transformed into La Bodegita, the most hip place in San Diego for all things Chicano. Hey, tickets are only $10 bucks; that’s quite a deal for the opportunity to address the disambiguation of gentrification in Aztlan.
These days, there is a lot going on in Chicano barrios, so hold onto your sombrero, bato. Frida Khalo is more alive than ever as her image appears everywhere in nuestro barrio. Art exhibits are a constant in the barrio and they keep getting more diverse in their incorporation of new themes to include not only Frida but Pokeman, too. Pokeman loves the barrio (see Pokeman Go).
Chicano artists like George Yepes all got their start in the barrio and now they are both including and excluding him at the Carnegie Museum! One of my favorite Yepes images is the album cover for Los Lobos, “La Pistola y El Corazon” (1988). Chicano art is a constant reminder that we carry an Aztlan consciousness around in our head and that’s what makes us Chicano. Hasta la victoria siempre! No matter what we become in life or what we achieve, we are always resorting to our street smarts and ways we learned about being happy, surviving and keeping our families together. The way I see it, I am fortunate to wake up in Aztlan, good morning Aztlan!
And then suddenly, as always, unexpectedly hiding among the aliens from Comic Con we are visited once again by an uninvited yet inevitable “guest” who can be found in Chicano Park hiding behind the concrete pillars from the Coronado Bridge (like concrete spikes in the heart of our community) – the Grim Reaper is spotted. Blending in with the aliens from other planets, in one fell swoop he takes with him the first female lieutenant of the Chicano National Airforce, a renowned entity in the Chicano Movement, our dear friend,  Bea Sanchez. Bea, who was from "Shell Town" or Barrio Logan, died last week in Chula Vista at the Bay General Sharp Hospital, the same place in which she was born.
(Shell Town?  We call it Shell Town because about a million years ago or so Barrio Logan was underwater and as the ocean shifted, its movement left billions of shells in the ground.) 
Within 36 hours of her passing I find myself drinking French pressed coffee at a hipster coffee shop on César Chávez Boulevard (next to the old Caboose Café, which my grandfather used to frequent). A 6-pound ball of real gold (tangled necklaces, bullion and silver) has been  handed to me to disentangle, a task which allows me to do my part in disentangling the life of a rich Chicana hippie who inherited several Texas oil wells from her Tejana-Chicana-hippie great aunt.
Now that I think about it: “Who could imagine that I could sit in a public coffee shop in Barrio Logan untangling a ball of gold without getting robbed?” I tell you the barrio is changing. The more I disentangled the gold necklaces, the more I seemed to uncover her private life and also the life that might have been; she wasn’t shot or stabbed in a gang fight, the Good Lord simply took her from us much too early.


Bea at 14 with flowers in her hair next  
to her mom and pop and nine siblings
Who really knows to what extent the monthly checks Bea received as a benefit from the Texas oil wells affected the manner in which she shaped her Chicana reality. Bea was an anomaly in this way as she was the only rich Chicana I knew that was a community activist and change agent. Some people who were jealous of her wealth would say, “She can afford to be an activist because she doesn’t have to work!”
For most of us Bea was genuine, lived in the barrio and never backed down from a good fight, so she had earned her stripes in the street and everyone knew it. She didn’t graduate from high school, she looked like a brown Janis Joplin and she married out of our Latino race; a phenomenon often stigmatized back in the day. Bea married a guy who looked more like the rock-and-rollers ZZ Top than ZZ Top did; he didn’t graduate from high school either.  
They experimented with drugs and with each other; they were you might say “inseparable.” We referred to her husband as “ZZ Top.” Two days after her passing, he held a BBQ using his newly constructed fire pit made mostly of river rocks. After 90 minutes of heating the rocks, we went inside to say a prayer for Bea when suddenly there was an explosion so powerful, like a hand grenade, it took out every single window in the house and that of three other surrounding houses. It only took six minutes for the San Diego Police Department Swat Team to arrive and start throwing people up against the wall. They acted as if it was a terrorist attack. It was the most police I had ever witnessed in the barrio, any barrio!
As it turns out, “ZZ Top” had used river rocks in his BBQ and they exploded after the heat sucked out all of the moisture; he should have used volcanic rocks.
In the 1960s, Chicanos were shaped by the Chicano Movement, Cesar Chavez and the movement of the United Farm Workers, the “war” against the war in Vietnam and rock-and-roll. Bea socially constructed her reality from each of these movements and also was a co-founder of the Conference on Chicano Rights. Hers was a passionate dialectic filled with unspeakable truths on rootedness, fervors, and appropriations.
Bea was to a large extent a Chicana-hippie from the 1960s and in this way did not believe in and/or practice modern medicine, hence, her grapefruit- sized cancerous tumor went unnoticed and she died of colon cancer within just a few days of diagnosis. I have to make sure Bea is remembered in the museum. Maybe we can donate her 6 pound gold ball; someone will most likely steal it. Or maybe we can have her image remade into a Frida Kahlo look-alike; she would like that.
I called “ZZ Top” on the day after the infamous BBQ that almost killed us all and there was a lot of background noise. He said he had rented a small plane and was on board getting ready to take off with an urn filled with Bea’s ashes as he was fulfilling her wish to have her ashes sprinkled over Chicano Park; entre nosotros, I think he added some gold dust to the ashes and took a big snort as he poured them over mi tierra while playing Corrido de Boyle Heights in the background.¡Mira, que chévere!
It’s been a peculiarly interesting summer, always is. Hanging out in Barrio Logan is always a cool thing to do in many ways: the young Chicano-Hipsters are part of my life's blood. I especially embrace the plight of young single Chicanitas with children struggling to make their way in this world by going to college. I believe I have direct influence on their many successes after having advised them to attend the university.
Many of them were impregnated at a moment of lust or passion by “Benito the Cholito” who somehow manages to disappear (following his passion play) irresponsibly from their lives only to reappear at graduation time at the side of an upper middle-class White girl with blue eyes and blond hair from Orange County. He is the dishwasher at Bubba Gump’s and she is often with child waiting to share the news with her parents following graduation: “Mom and Dad, this is ‘Benito’” and then she turns to me with,  “How do I tell my parents I am pregnant?”
It seems “Benito” was simply too irresistible for the White girl and now what? Benito will seek refuge under the pots and pans at Bubba Gump's (one of two jobs) never to be held accountable for his actions, waiting for the next upper middle-class White girl to appear at a midnight party on the Westside, pulling up in her brand new convertible VW looking for the bar-ee-ooh and also the brownness Cholos have to offer, wife beater shirts, too, tattoos galore, the smell of Tres Flores hair gel, drugs, low-riders and hanging amidst low-rider Cholitas, it’s a simply irresistible sort of darkly romantic excess.


What Benito knows all too well is that in the daily lives of young women there is no reason or unreason, only freedom of limits and he sure as hell is not going to deny his manhood to them. As an aging self-proclaimed “Chicano,” I somehow feel responsible for the Chola, Cholo (“Benito”), their baby, the White girl, the White girl’s baby, too: their lives get so tangled and they often come to me for the great advice, “What shall I do now?” As I search for a solution to help them disentangle and disambiguate their lives, I can only think about the daily outcomes of real life gentrification and its micro-level impacts on the lives of young hipsters.
I’ve had four cups of French pressed coffee and disentangled a dozen or so necklaces by now yet the ball of glistening gold seems heavier than before I started. Hipsters have been walking by calling it “bling-bling.”
As a familiar figure at Salud’s where many young Chicanas and Chicanos seek my advice on how to disentangle their lives as gentrification is caught up in their psyche in ways we can’t measure – “Hey, there’s Dr. Arias. Ask him!” – I’m reminded of one very young Cholita who looked like she was 10 years of age but turned out to be 14. So, she showed up at the coffee shop one day and asked me to babysit her son because she couldn’t find a babysitter. When she left, I handed the boy a marker to draw on the cardboard I afforded him; he looked at me like he didn’t have a father to advise him otherwise and he proceeded to mark up the side wall. Years later his marks are still there on the coffee shop wall as a reminder of the many Cholitas who face the same daily challenges.
The girl wore a rather large necklace that read, “100% Married.” Weeks later she brought the necklace to the coffee shop and said, “My boyfriend, not my ‘husband,’ makes me wear this when I am at the university, and since I started taking classes I saw myself married to him dropping from 75%, to 50%, to 25%, and today it is, 0%.” As she raised the bling-bling high above her head (it was both a pause and an occasion), making her way over to the trash can, she let it go!
Bueno pues.... it’s all tantalizing to the intellect.



Sonny Boy Arias periodically writes his column, “Chicano Confidential,” for Somos en escrito Magazine, observing the world from his uniquely warped perspective, casting the commonplace in a new, uncommon light. By trade, he is a social psychologist, but by avocation a story teller. He has a science friction book in the works, titled Theorizing César Chávez, in which he asks the question: What if César Chávez had a PhD in nuclear physics?

La realidad en el sueño – Tres poemas

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Nueva Soledad
Photo by Armando Rendón

Salmos a la visión interior


Por María de los Angeles (Taty) Merced

Nueva soledad

Pero estaré presente, estando un poco lejos
y la vida, de golpe, cumpla con su deseo...
Yo cerraré los ojos y me iré en el recuerdo
al sentirme perdida en mi noche de invierno.
Y tú estarás ahí... soñando mi regreso,
mas ya seré la otra que sumida en el tiempo
se estará despojando de su ser y su aliento.
Caminaré la sombra buscando algún destello
y sentirás mi abrazo. Y marcharé de nuevo
con toda la ternura que me dio tu desvelo
a la otra soledad que se mira en mi espejo...


Consagración

Copiaré tu desnudez para adentrarnos
en la Consagración de la Primavera
para asomarnos  a su íntima intimidad
donde, cual doncella, he sido raptada
por la música, estando en el silencio.
Cerraremos los ojos para que la mirada
no haga frágiles los cuerpos.
La música habrá de seducirme
y  hará bailar mi espíritu
a su ritmo anticipado por el tiempo.
Me convertirá en la víctima
del sacrificio del deseo…
Y seré la adoración de un sabio
que se glorificará por hacerme su elegida…


Ser sin ser
 
Soy la realidad y el sueño
Veo pasar los años como espejos
que reflejan encontrados sentimientos.
No sé de ti, sin embargo, te siento.
Y mi vida transcurre como un experimento
¿Como se puede ser, sin ser?
Vivo celebrando el laudo de lo incumplido
Midiendo las distancias. Ahogándome en el tiempo.
Desviando caminos…
Tu espíritu llega y se mete en mi lecho.
Como un  fantasma, como una sombra,
como un eco. Y no sé si eres la realidad de mi sueño
cuando siento tu beso…  despierto para seguir soñando.



María de los Angeles (Taty) Merced, nació un 2 de octubre, día de los ángeles custodios, en Caguas, Puerto Rico. Imparte talleres de creación literaria en el Colegio Notre Dame de Caguas PR, en cuyo plantel se estudian dos de sus obras narrativas: Voces más allá del río y Los secretos de las mujeres de la casa grande. Tiene a su haber el poemario, Mariposas en amarillo, y su obra más reciente Color Melancolía en que la nostalgia cobra un papel principal. Para volver en ti, aún en preparación, será su próxima publicación.
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